မာ့က္စ္-လီနင္-ေမာ္ ၀ါဒေလ့လာေရးမွတ္စု (တတိယပိုင္း)
Forms of Armed Revolution
“The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolution holds good universally, for C and for all other countries.
လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးပုံစံမ်ား
"လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ျဖင့္ အာဏာကို သိမ္းယူျခင္း၊ ျပႆနာကို စစ္ျဖင့္ေျဖရွင္းျခင္းသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၏ အဓိကအက်ဆုံးလုပ္ငန္းတာ၀န္ႏွင့္ အဆင့္အျမင့္ဆုံးပုံစံျဖစ္သည္။ မာ့က္စ္-လီနင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သေဘာတရားသည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအတြက္သာမက အျခားႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအတြက္ပါ အကၽြင္းမဲ့ေကာင္းမြန္သည္။
“But while the principle remains the same, its application by the party of the proletariat finds expression in varying ways according to the varying conditions. Internally, capitalist countries practise bourgeois democracy (not feudalism) when they are not fascist or not at war; in their external relations, they are not oppressed by, but themselves oppress, other nations. Because of these characteristics, it is the task of the party of the proletariat in the capitalist countries to educate the workers and build up strength through a long period of legal struggle, and thus prepare for the final overthrow of capitalism. In these countries, the question is one of a long legal struggle, of utilising parliament as a platform, of economic and political strikes, of organising trade unions and educating the workers. There the form of organisation is legal and the form of struggle bloodless (non-military)... The one war they want to fight is the civil war for which they are preparing. But this insurrection and war would not be launched until the bourgeoisie becomes really helpless, until the majority of the proletariat are determined to rise in arms and fight, and until the rural masses are giving willing help to the proletariat. And when the time comes to launch such an insurrection and war, the first step will be to seize the cities, and then advance into the countryside, and not the other way about. All this has been done by Communist Parties in capitalist countries, and it has been proved correct by the October Revolution in Russia.
"သေဘာတရားမွာ တူညီေသာ္လည္း ပစၥည္းမဲ့ပါတီ၏ က်င့္သုံးပုံသည္ မတူညီေသာအေျခအေနအရ ေဖၚျပပုံကြဲျပားေၾကာင္းေတြ႕ရသည္။ ျပည္တြင္းတြင္ အရင္းရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ ဖက္ဆစ္မဟုတ္ သို႔မဟုတ္ စစ္မျဖစ္ေသာအခါမ်ားတြင္ ဓနရွင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ (ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္ မဟုတ္) ကိုက်င့္သုံးၾကသည္။ ျပည္ပဆက္ဆံေရးတြင္မူ ၄င္းတို႔သည္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမဟုတ္ၾကဘဲ အျခားႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို ၄င္းတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္ဖိႏွိပ္ၾကသည္။ ထိုကဲ့သိုု႔ေသာ စရိုက္လကၡဏာမ်ားေၾကာင့္ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို ပညာေပးရန္ႏွင့္ ဥပေဒတြင္းတိုက္ပြဲ၏ရွည္ၾကာေသာ ကာလတြင္ အင္အားတည္ေဆာက္ရန္၊ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ကို အၿပီးသတ္ေခ်မႈန္းရန္မွာ အရင္းရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ပါတီ၏ တာ၀န္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ျပႆနာမွာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကို အေျခခံအျဖစ္အသုံးျပဳေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးႏိုင္ငံေရးသပိတ္မ်ား၊ အလုပ္သမားသမဂၢမ်ားကို စည္းရုံးၿပီး အလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို ပညာေပးေရးတို႔၏ ဥပေဒတြင္းတိုက္ပြဲ၏ ရွည္ၾကာေသာကာလျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုေနရာတြင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းပုံစံမွာ ဥပေဒတြင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး တိုက္ပြဲပုံစံမွာ ေသြးထြက္သံယိုမရွိေသာ (စစ္ေရးမဟုတ္သည့္) ပုံစံျဖစ္သည္။၄င္းတို႔တိုက္ခိုက္လိုေသာ တိုက္ပြဲတခုမွာ ၄င္းတို႔ျပင္ဆင္ထားသည့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ထို ပုန္ကန္မႈႏွင့္ စစ္ပြဲကို ဓနရွင္မ်ားလုံး၀ အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔မသြားမျခင္း၊ ပစၥည္းမဲ့အမ်ားစုသည္လက္နက္ကိုင္အုန္ၾကြတိုက္ခိုက္ရန္ မဆုံးျဖတ္မျခင္၊ ေက်လက္လူထုမ်ားက ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားကို ကူညီရန္ စိတ္ထက္သန္မႈ မရွိမျခင္း မဆင္ႏႊဲရေပ။
“China is different however. The characteristics of China are that she is not independent and democratic but semi-colonial and semi-feudal, that internally she has no democracy but is under feudal oppression and that in her external relations she has no national independence but is oppressed by imperialism. It follows that we have no parliament to make use, of and no legal right to organise the workers to strike. Basically, the task of the Communist Party here is not to go through a long period of legal struggle before launching insurrection and war, and not to seize the big cities first and then occupy the countryside, but the reverse. ..
သို႔ေသာ္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံအေျခအေနမွာမူ ကြဲျပားျခားနားသည္။ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ စရိုက္လကၡဏာမ်ားမွာ ၎သည္ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံမဟုတ္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္တပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံျ
“In China war is the main form of struggle and the army is the main form of organisation. Other forms such as mass organisation and mass struggle are also extremely important and indeed indispensable and in no circumstances to be overlooked, but their purpose is to serve the war. Before the outbreak of a war all organisation and struggle are in preparation for the war, as in the period from the May 4th Movement of 1919 to the May 30th Movement of 1925. After war breaks out, all organisation and struggle are co-ordinated with the war either directly or indirectly, .......”144
“ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံတြင္ စစ္သည္ အဓိက တိုက္ပြဲပုံစံျဖစ္ၿပီး တပ္မေတာ္သည္ အဓိက အဖြဲ႕အစည္းျဖစ္သည္။ လူထုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းႏွင့္ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲကဲ့သို႔ေသာ အျခားပုံစံမ်ားသည္ လြန္စြာအေရးပါၿပီး မရွိမျဖစ္လိုအပ္ကာ မည္သည့္ အေျခအေနတြင္မွ် မပစ္ပယ္ႏိုင္ေသာ္လည္း ၎တို႔၏ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္မွာ စစ္ကို အက်ိဳးျပဳရန္သာျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္မျဖစ္ပြားမီ အဖြဲအစည္းတခုလုံးႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲ တခုလုံးသည္ ၁၉၁၉ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလအေရးေတာ္ပုံမွ ၁၉၂၅ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလ ၃၀ ရက္ အေရးေတာ္ပုံအထိကာလတြင္ကဲ့သို႔ စစ္အတြက္ျပင္ဆင္ၾကသည္။ စစ္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားၿပီးေနာက္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း တခုလုံးႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲတခုလုံးသည္ စစ္ႏွင့္ တိုက္ရိုက္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ သြယ္ဝိုက္ျဖစ္ေစ ညွိႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကရသည္။ “ ၁၄၄
The above observation of Mao is a summation of the experiences gained by the proletariat for over a century of class struggles. That the revolution in the capitalist country where bourgeois democratic revolution is completed will take the form of armed insurrection has been borne out by historical experiences.
ေမာ္၏ အထက္ပါ ေလ့လာသုံးသပ္ခ်က္သည္ လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲ ရာစုႏွစ္ တခုေက်ာ္ကာလအတြင္း ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားရရွိေသာ အေတြ႕အႀကံဳကို အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္တင္ျပျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။ ဓနရွင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေတာ္လွန္ေရး ၿပီးဆုံးေသာ အရင္းရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမွေတာ္လွန္ေရးသ
The principles governing the armed insurrection were written in great detail by Marx while analysing the various bourgeois revolutions in which the proletariat played a crucial role in the 19th century. Lenin summarised Marx’s principles in the following manner:
လက္နက္ကိုင္ပုန္ကန္မႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ဥပေဒသမ်ားကို မာ့က္စ္က ၁၉ ရာစုအတြင္းက ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား အေရးပါေသာ အခန္းမွပါဝင္သည့္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးေသာ ဓနရွင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမ်ားကို ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ျဖာၿပီး အေသးစိတ္ ေရးသားခဲ့ၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။ မာ့က္စ္၏ ဥပေဒသမ်ားကို လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ တင္ျပသည္။
“But armed insurrection is a special form of political struggle, one subject to special laws which must be attentively pondered over. Karl Marx expressed this truth in a remarkably clear-cut way when he wrote that armed ‘insurrection is an art quite as much as war.’
“သို႔ေသာ္ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲသည္ အာရုံစူးစိုက္ စဥ္းစားသုံးသပ္ရသည့္ အထူးဥပေဒသမ်ားအေပၚ မူတည္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးတိုက္ပြဲ၏ အထူးပုံစံျဖစ္သည္။ လင္နက္ကိုင္အုန္ၾကြမႈသည္ စစ္ကဲ့သို႔ပင္ အႏုပညာျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားေသာအခါ ကားလ္မာ့က္စ္က ထို အမွန္တရားကို ရွင္းလင္းျပတ္သားစြာ ေဖၚျပခဲ့သည္။
“Of the principal rules of this art, Marx noted the following:
1) Never play with insurrection, but, when beginning it, finally realise that you must go to the end.
2) Concentrate a great superiority of forces at the decisive point, at the decisive moment, otherwise the enemy, who has the advantage of better preparation and organisation, will destroy the insurgents.
3) Once the insurrection has begun, you must act with the greatest determination, and by all means, without fail, take the offensive. ‘The defensive is the death of every armed rising.’
4) You must try to take the enemy by surprise and seize the moment when his forces are scattered.
5) You must strive for daily (one might say hourly, if it is the case of one town) successes, however small, and at all costs retain the ‘moral ascendancy.’
ထို အႏုပညာ၏ အဓိက စည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ားကို မာ့က္စ္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်သည္။
(၁) လက္နက္ကိုင္အုန္ၾကြမႈျဖင့္ မည္သည့္အခါမွ် မကစားသင့္ဘဲ စတင္ၿပီးလွ်င္ ေနာက္ဆုံးတြင္ အဆုံးအထိဆင္ႏႊဲရမည္ကို သေဘာေပါက္ရမည္။
(၂) အေရးပါေသာအမွတ္မ်ား၊ အေရးပါေသာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားတြင္ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ အင္အားအသာစီးရမႈကို အာရုံစိုက္ရမည္။ ထိုသို႔မဟုတ္ပါက ျပင္ဆင္မႈႏွင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းမႈသာေသာ ရန္သူသည္ ပုန္ကန္သူမ်ားကို ေျခမႈန္းပစ္မည္။
(၃) ပုန္ကန္မႈစတင္ၿပီးေနာက္ အႀကီးမားဆုံး ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ျပတ္သားမႈျဖင့္ မည္သည့္နည္းလမ္းျဖင့္မဆို မပ်င္မကြက္ ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ရမည္။ ခံစစ္သည္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အုန္ၾကြမႈတိုင္း၏ ေသဆုံးျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
(၄) ရန္သူကို အငိုက္မိေအာင္လုပ္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ၎၏ တပ္မ်ားျပန္႔က်ဲေနခ်ိန္ကို အမိအရယူရမည္။
(၅) စိတ္ဓါတ္ေရးရာ ျမင့္တက္ေရးအတြက္ မည္မွ်ေသးငယ္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ မည္သည့္တန္ဖိုးေပးဆပ္ရသည္ ျဖစ္ေစ ေန႔စဥ္ (ၿမိဳ႕တၿမိဳ႕တည္းဆိုလွ်င္ နာရီတိုင္းတြင္) ေအာင္ပြဲရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးစားရမည္။
“Marx summed up the lessons of all revolutions in respect to armed insurrection in the words of ‘Danton, the greatest master of revolutionary tactics yet known: de l‘audace, de l‘audace, encore de l‘audace!’ (Boldness, boldness and again boldness).”145
မာ့က္စ္သည္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အုံၾကြမႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအားလုံး၏ သင္ခန္းစာမ်ားကို ထိုအခ်ိန္အထိ အႀကီးျမတ္ဆုံး ေတာ္လွန္ေရးနည္းပိရိရာယ္ ဆရာႀကီးျဖစ္ေသာ ဒန္တြန္၏ စကားျဖင့္ အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။ ရဲရင့္မႈ၊ ရဲရင့္မႈ၊ ရဲရင့္မႈ ဟူ၍ျဖစ္သည္။” ၁၄၅
Lenin also, on the eve of the October revolution, while preparing for the insurrection, gave the Marxist understanding of the conditions for the success of an insurrection. He said:
ေအာက္တိုဘာေတာ္လွန္ေရး မတိုင္မီတြင္ လီနင္ကိုယ္တိုင္ကလည္း ပုန္ကန္မႈအတြက္ ျပင္ဆင္ရင္း ပုန္ကန္မႈေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအေျခအေနမ်
“To be successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspiracy and not upon a party, but upon the advanced class. That is the first point. Insurrection must rely upon a revolutionary upsurge of the people. That is the second point. Insurrection must rely upon such a turning point in the history of the growing revolution at which the activity of the advanced ranks of the people is at its height, and at which the vacillations in the ranks of the enemy and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted and irresolute friends of the revolution are strongest. That is the third point…..
ေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ ပုန္ကန္မႈသည္ လိႈ႕ဝွက္ ႀကံစည္မႈ သို႔မဟုတ္ ပါတီတရပ္အေပၚ မမွီခိုဘဲ တိုးတက္ေသာ လူတန္းစားတြင္သာ မွီခိုရမည္။ ထိုအခ်က္မွာ ပထမ အခ်က္သာျဖစ္သည္။ အုံၾကြမႈသည္ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ဒီေရတက္မႈအေပၚ မွီခိုရမည္။ ထိုအခ်က္မွာ ဒုတိယ အခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။ တိုးတက္ေသာ အလႊာမ်ား၏ လႈပ္ရွားမႈျမင့္မားေနေသာ၊ ရန္သူအလႊာမ်ားႏွင့္ အားနည္းစိတ္မပါမျပတ္သားေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမိတ္ေဆြမ်ား၏ ေတြေဝမႈ အျပင္းထန္ဆုံးေသာ ႀကီးထြားေနေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၏သမိုင္း အကူးအေျပာင္းကာလအေပၚအုံၾကြမႈသည္ မွီခိုရမည္။ ဤအခ်က္ သည္ တတိယအခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။
“once these conditions are present, to refuse to treat insurrection as an art is to betray Marxism and to betray the revolution.”146
“ ထိုသို႔ေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ားရွိေနေသာအခါ အုံၾကြမႈကို အႏုပညာအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ရန္ ျငင္းဆန္ျခင္းသည္ မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒကို သစၥာေဖါက္ျခင္း၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို သစၥာေဖါက္ျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။”၁၄၆
Mao’s Theory of Protracted People’s War
Mao applied the principles of dialectical materialism, and particularly of contradictions, to the study of war and particularly to China’s revolutionary war. He thus summed up the characteristics of the revolutionary war and also determined the questions of principle governing the strategy and tactics of the war. These principles are of great relevance to the revolutions in all colonial and semicolonial countries.
ေမာ္၏ ေရရွည္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ပြဲ သေဘာတရား
ေမာ္သည္ စစ္၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ တရုတ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္ကို ေလ့လာရာတြင္ အႏုပဋိေလာမ ရုပ္ဝါဒ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ပဋိပကၡ သေဘာတရားမ်ားကို အသုံးျပဳသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ သူသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္၏ စရိုက္လကၡဏာမ်ားကို အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္ၿပီး စစ္၏ ေသနဂၤဗ်ဴဟာႏွင့္ နည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ သက္ဆိုင္ေသာ သေဘာတရားေမးခြန္းမ်ားကို ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုသေဘာတရားမ်ားသည္ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအားလုံ
Mao sums up as follows: “…
The four principal characteristics of China’s revolutionary war are: a vast semi-colonial country which is unevenly developed politically and economically and which has gone through a great revolution; a big and powerful enemy; a small and weak Red Army; and the agrarian revolution. These characteristics determine the line for guiding China’s revolutionary war as well as many of its strategic and tactical principles. It follows from the first and fourth characteristics that it is possible for the Chinese Red Army to grow and defeat its enemy. It follows from the second and third characteristics that it is impossible for the Chinese Red Army to grow very rapidly or defeat its enemy quickly: in other words, the war will be protracted and may even be lost if it is mishandled.
ေမာ္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။
တရုတ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္၏ အဓိက စရိုက္လကၡဏာ ၄ ခုမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးအရ တိုးတက္မႈ မညီမွ်သည့္ မဟာေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ျဖတ္သန္းေနသည့္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔လွေသာ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ၊ ႀကီးမားအင္အားေတာင့္တင္းေသာ ရန္သူ၊ ေသးငယ္အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔ေသာ တပ္နီေတာ္ႏွင့္ ေျမယာေတာ္လွန္ေရးတို႔ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို စရိုက္လကၡဏာမ်ားသည္ တရုတ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ဦးေဆာင္ရန္အတြက္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းကိုသာမက မ်ားျပာလွစြာေသာ ၎၏ ေသနဂၤဗ်ဴဟာမ်ားႏွင့္ နည္းပိရိရာယ္ဆိုင္ရာ သေဘာတရားမ်ားကိုလည္း အဆုံးအျဖတ္ေပးသည္။ ပထမႏွင့္ စတုတၴစရိုက္လကၡဏာအရ တရုတ္တပ္နီေတာ္သည္ ႀကီးထြားၿပီး ရန္သူကိုေခ်မႈန္းရန္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ဒုတိယႏွင့္ တတိယ စရိုက္လကၡဏာအရ တရုတ္တပ္နီေတာ္သည္ အလွ်င္အျမန္ႀကီးထြားၿပီး ရန္သူကို အလွ်င္အျမန္ေခ်မႈန္းရန္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ဆိုရပါက စစ္သည္ ေရရွည္စစ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး အကိုင္အတြယ္ မွားလွ်င္ စစ္ရႈံးသည္အထိပင္ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။
“These are the two aspects of China’s revolutionary war. They exist simultaneously, that is, there are favourable factors and there are difficulties. This is the fundamental law of China’s revolutionary war, from which many other laws ensue….
“ ၎တို႔သည္ တရုတ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၏ သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာ ႏွစ္ခုျဖစ္သည္။ ၎တို႔သည္ တၿပိဳင္နက္တည္း တည္ရွိသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ေကာင္းေသာ အခ်က္မ်ားလည္းရွိသလို အခက္အခဲမ်ားလည္းရွိသည္။ ၎သည္ အျခားဥပေဒသမ်ားကို ေပၚေပါက္ေစသည့္ တရုတ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္၏ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒသျဖစ္သည္။
.” In 1945 CPC Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party, summarises Mao’s military line as follows:
“Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s military line proceeds from two fundamental points. First, our army is and can be an army of only one kind; it must be an instrument subordinate to the ideological leadership of the proletariat and serving the struggle of the people and the building of revolutionary base areas. Second, our war is and can be a war of only one kind; it must be a war in which we recognise that the enemy is strong and we are weak, That the enemy is big and we are small, and in which therefore we fully utilise the enemy’s weaknesses and our strong points and fully rely on the strength of the masses for survival, victory and expansion. From the first point, it follows that the Red Army must fight whole-heartedly for the line, programme and policies of the Party, that is, for all the manifold interests of the whole people, and must combat the tendencies towards warlordism which run counter to this. Therefore, the Red Army must oppose the purely military point of view and the roving-rebel ideology, according to which the military does not obey the political, or even commands the politics. The Red Army must simultaneously shoulder the threefold task of fighting, doing mass work and raising funds (which at present means production); doing mass work means becoming a propagandist and organiser for the Party and for the people’s political power and means helping the local people in land distribution (at present, the reduction of rent and interest) and in establishing armed forces, organs of political power, and Party organisations, hence, in its relations with the government and the people, it is required that the Red Army scrupulously respect the organs of the people’s political power and the mass organisations, strengthen their prestige and strictly observe the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention. Within the army it is necessary to establish a correct relationship between officers and men and to have both an appropriate democratic life and an authoritative military discipline based on political consciousness. In the work among the enemy troops, it is necessary to have a correct policy for disintegrating enemy forces and winning over prisoners. From the second point of departure, it follows that the Red Army had to recognise that, during the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, guerilla warfare and mobile warfare of a guerilla character were the main forms of warfare, and must recognise that only a people’s war, in which the main forces are integrated with regional forces, the regular army with guerrilla units and people’s militia, and the armed masses with the unarmed masses, can bring victory over an enemy many times stronger than ourselves. Hence, in strategy, the Red Army must oppose a war of quick decision, and in tactics, must oppose protracted fighting; in strategy, it must adhere firmly to protracted warfare and in tactics, to quick decisions; in campaigns and battles it must oppose the use of the few to defeat the many and must adhere firmly to the use of the many to defeat the few. The Red Army must therefore carry out the following strategic and tactical principles:
မိမိတို႔ပါတီသမိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ အခ်ိဳ႕ေသာ ျပႆနာမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ ၁၉၄၅ ခုႏွစ္ တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ
“ ရဲေဘာ္ ေမာ္စီတုန္း၏ စစ္ေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ အေျခခံအခ်က္ ၂ ခု မွလာသည္။ ပထမ အခ်က္မွာ မိမိတို႔တပ္နီေတာ္သည္ တမ်ိဳးတစားတည္းေသာ တပ္နီေတာ္ ျဖစ္သည္၊ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ၎သည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား သေဘာတရားေရးရာ ဦေဆာင္မႈေအာက္မွ ကိရိယာျဖစ္ၿပီး ျပည္သူ႔တိုက္ပြဲကို အက်ိဳးေဆာင္ကာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အေျခခံေဒသမ်ား တည္ေဆာက္ရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒုတိယအခ်က္မွာ မိမိတို႔၏ စစ္သည္ ရန္သူက အင္အားႀကီးမားၿပီး မိမိက အင္အားနည္းသည္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေသာစစ္၊ ရန္သူကႀကီးမားၿပီး မိမိကေသးငယ္သည္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေသာစစ္၊ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ မိမိတို႔သည္ ရန္သူ၏ အားနည္းခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ မိမိတို႔၏ အားသာခ်က္ခ်က္မ်ားကို အျပည့္အဝ အသုံးခ်ကာ ရွင္သန္မႈ၊ ေအာင္ပြဲႏွင့္ နယ္ေျမတိုးခ်ဲ႕ေရးအတြက္ လူထု၏ အင္အားကို အျပည့္အဝ မွီခိုေသာ စစ္ျဖစ္ရမည္။ ထိုပထမ အခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ တပ္နီေတာ္သည္ ပါတီ၏ လမ္းေၾကာင္း၊ အစီအစဥ္၊ မူဝါဒမ်ားအတြက္ ၊ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ မ်ားျပားလွစြာေသာ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားမ်ားအတြက္ အျပည့္အဝ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုအခ်က္ႏွင့္ ဆန္႔က်င္ဖက္ျဖစ္ေသာ စစ္ဘုရင္ဝါဒ တိမ္းညြဳတ္မႈကို တိုက္ဖ်က္ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ တပ္နီေတာ္သည္ စစ္ေရးသက္သက္အျမင္ႏွင့္ စစ္တပ္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို မလိုက္နာဘဲ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို ျပန္လည္ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္သည့္ ဦးတည္ခ်က္မဲ့သူပုန္အေတြးအေခၚကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ တၿပိဳင္နက္တည္းတြင္ တပ္နီေတာ္သည္ တိုက္ခိုက္ေရး၊ လူထုလုပ္ငန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးႏွင့္ ရန္ပုံေငြရွာေဖြေရး(လက္ရွိအေျခအေ
“Divide our forces to arouse the masses, concentrate our forces to deal with the enemy.
“ လူထုကို လႈံေဆာ္ရန္ မိမိတို႔၏တပ္မ်ားကို ျဖန္႔ခြဲပါ၊ ရန္သူႏွင့္ ထိေတြ႕ရန္ မိမိတို႕၏ တပ္မ်ားကို စုစည္းပါ။
“The enemy advances, we retreat; the enemy camps, we harass; the enemy tires, we attack; the enemy retreats, we pursue. To extend stable base areas, employ the policy of advancing in waves; when pursued by a powerful enemy, employ the policy of circling around.
ရန္တက္၊ငါဆုတ္။ ရန္နား၊ ငါရႈပ္၊ ရန္ေမာ၊ ငါတိုက္။ ရန္ေျပး၊ ငါလိုက္။ တည္ၿငိမ္ေသာ အေျခစိုက္ေဒသမ်ား ခ်ဲ႕ထြင္ေရးအတြက္ ေရလိႈင္းတက္သည့္ မူဝါဒကို က်င့္သုံးပါ။ အင္အားႀကီးေသာ ရန္သူကေနာက္မွလိုက္ေသာအခါ ဝို္္င္းပါတ္ေခ်မႈန္းေသာမူဝါဒကို
“Lure the enemy in deep.
ရန္သူကို နက္နက္ရိႈင္းရိႈင္း မွ်ားေခၚပါ။
“Concentrate superior forces, pick out of the enemy’s weak spots, and fight when you are sure of wiping out part, or the greater part, of the enemy in mobile warfare, so as to crush the enemy forces one by one.”148
အသာစည္းရေသာ တပ္မ်ားကိုစုစည္း၊ ရန္သူ၏ အားနည္းခ်က္ကိုေရြး၊ ရန္သူတပ္မ်ားကို တခုျခင္းေခ်မႈန္းႏိုင္ရန္ ေရြ႕လွ်ားစစ္တြင္ ရန္သူ၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတခု သို႔မဟုတ္ ပိုမိုႀကီးမားေသာ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတခုကို ေခ်မႈန္းႏိုင္ေသာအခါတြင္တိုက္။
These principles, representing Mao’s valuable contribution to the science of Marxism and war have become the basis and guide for revolutionary war in the colonies and semi-colonies.
ဤသေဘာတရားမ်ားသည္ မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒသိပၸံပညာႏွင့္ စစ္သိပၸံပညာသို႔ ေမာ္၏အဖိုးမျဖတ္ႏိုင္ေသာ အက်ိဳးေဆာင္မႈျဖစ္ၿပီး ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာစစ္အတြက္ အေျခခံႏွင့္ လမ္းညြဳန္ျဖစ္လာသည္။
5. TACTICS DURING WAR
Just and Unjust Wars
“With reference to wars, the main thesis of dialectics, ...... is that ‘war is simply the continuation of politics by other (i.e., violent) means’. Such is the formula of Clausewitz, one of the greatest writers on the history of war, whose thinking was stimulated by Hegel. And it was always the standpoint of Marx and Engels, who regarded any war as the continuation of the, politics of the powers concerned-and the various classes within these countries-in a definite period.”149 – Lenin.
၅။ စစ္အတြင္းနည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ား
တရားေသာစစ္ႏွင့္ မတရားေသာစစ္
စစ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ အႏုပဋိေလာမ၏ အဓိအယူအဆမွာ စစ္သည္ႏိုင္ငံေရး၏ (အၾကမ္းနည္း) အဆက္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤသို႔ေသာအယူအဆမွာ စစ္သမိုင္း၏ အႀကီးျမတ္ဆုံး စာေရးဆရာျဖစ္သည့္ ကေလာ့ဝစ္၏ ပုံေသနည္းျဖစ္ၿပီး သူ၏ ေတြးေခၚမႈကို အိန္ဂ်ယ္က ပုံေဖၚခဲ့သည္။ ထိုအျပင္ ထို အယူအဆသည္ မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႔၏ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္လည္း အၿမဲျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၎တို႔က မည္သည့္စစ္မဆိုသည္ တစုံတရာေသာ ကာလအတြင္း သက္ဆိုင္ရာ အာဏာမ်ား၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၏ အဆက္ - ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ လူတန္းစား အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၏အဆက္- ဟု ယူဆခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ၁၄၉ လီနင္
“From the point of view of Marxism, that is, of modern scientific socialism, the main issue in any discussion by socialists on how to assess the war and what attitude to adopt towards it is this: what is the war being waged for, and what classes staged and directed it. We Marxists do not belong to that category of people who are unqualified opponents of all war. We say: our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which, by eliminating the division of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war. But in the war to win the socialist system of society we are bound to encounter conditions under which the class struggle within each given nation may come up against a war between the different nations, a war conditioned by this very class struggle. Therefore, we cannot rule out the possibility of revolutionary wars, i.e., wars arising from the class struggle, wars waged by revolutionary classes, wars which are of direct and immediate revolutionary significance.”150
“ ေခတ္သစ္ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ဝါဒျဖစ္ေသာ မာ့က္စ္ ဝါဒအျမင္အရဆိုပါက စစ္ကိုမည္သို႔ အကဲျဖတ္မည္၊ မည္သို႔သေဘာထားမည္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသ
“The Great French Revolution ushered in a new epoch in the history of mankind. From that time down to the Paris Commune, i.e., between 1789 and 1871, one type of war was of a bourgeois progressive character, waged for national liberation. In other words, the overthrow of absolutism and feudalism, the undermining of these institutions, and the overthrow of alien oppression, formed the chief content and historical significance of such wars. These were therefore progressive wars; during such wars, all honest and revolutionary democrats, as well as all socialists, always wished success to that country (i.e., that bourgeoisie) which had helped to overthrow or undermine the most baneful foundations of feudalism, absolutism and the oppression of other nations. ...
မဟာျပင္သစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသည္ လူသားသမိုင္းတြင္ ေခတ္သစ္တခုကို ယူေဆာင္ေပးခဲ့သည္။ ၁၇၈၉ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၁၈၇၁ အထိျဖစ္ေသာ ထိုကာလအတြင္း စစ္ပြဲပုံစံတမ်ိဳးကို အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအတြက္ ဆင္ႏႊဲၿပီး ဓနရွင္ တိုးတက္ေသာ လကၡဏာ ေဆာင္သည္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ဆိုရပါက အၾကြင္းမဲ့ အာဏာစနစ္၊ ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္ကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ျခင္း၊ ၎တို႔၏ ေဒါက္တိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔ေစျခင္းႏွင့္ ျပည္ပဖိႏွိပ္မႈကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ျခင္း တို႔သည္ ထိုစစ္မ်ား၏ အဓိက အႏွစ္သာရႏွင့္ သမိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ထူးျခားမႈျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ထိုစစ္မ်ားသည္ တိုးတက္ေသာ စစ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ ထို စစ္မ်ားအတြင္း ရိုးသားေတာ္လွန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကရက္မ်ား အားလုံး သာမက ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မ်ားသည္လည္း ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္၊ အၾကြင္းမဲ့အာဏာစနစ္ႏွင့္ အျခားႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအားဖိႏွိပ္မႈတို႔၏ မေကာင္းဆိုးရြားအဆန္ဆုံး အုတ္ျမစ္ကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ျခင္း သို႔မဟုတ္ အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔ေစရာတြင္ အေထာက္အကူျပဳေသာ ထို (ဓနရွင္) ႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ ေအာင္ပြဲကို လိုလားၾကသည္။
“...When, in speaking of the wars of such periods, socialists stressed the legitimacy of ‘defensive’ wars, they always had these aims in mind, namely revolution against medievalism and serfdom. By a ‘defensive’ war socialists have always understood a ‘just’ war in this particular sense... It is only in this sense that socialists have always regarded wars ‘for the defence of the fatherland’, or ‘defensive’ wars, as legitimate, progressive and just.”151
ထိုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ကာလ၏ စစ္မ်ားအေၾကာင္းကို ေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မ်ားက ခုခံစစ္၏ တရားဝင္မႈကို အေလးထားေျပာေသာအခါ ၎တို႔၏ စိတ္တြင္ ဤရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ား အလယ္ေခတ္ႏွင့္ ေက်းပိုင္ကၽြန္ပိုင္စနစ္ကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ား ရွိၾကသည္။ ခုခံစစ္ဟုဆိုေသာေၾကာင့္ တရားေသာ စစ္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မ်ား အစဥ္အၿမဲ သေဘာေပါက္ၾကသည္။ ထိုသို႔ေသာ အျမင္ျဖင့္ပင္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မ်ားသည္ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကိုကာကြယ္ေသာစစ္၊ ခုခံေရးစစ္မ်ားကို တရားဝင္၊ တိုးတက္၊ တရားေသာ စစ္မ်ားအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ ၁၅၁
Thus if the colonies waged war against their imperialist masters it would be a just progressive war. Thus he said, in 1915, “For example, if tomorrow, Morocco were to declare war on France, or India on Britain, or Persia or China on Russia, and so on, these would be ‘just’, ‘defensive’ wars, irrespective of who would be the first to attack; any socialist would wish the oppressed, dependent and unequal states victory over the oppressor, slave-holding and predatory ‘Great’ Powers.
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ကိုလိုနီမ်ားက ၎တို႔၏ အရွင္သခင္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕မ်ားကို ဆန္႕က်င္ေသာ စစ္ဆင္ႏႊဲလွ်င္ တရားေသာ တိုးတက္ေသာစစ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ၁၉၁၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ သူေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာခဲ့သည္။ “ ဥပမာ ေနာက္တေန႔တြင္ ေမာ္ရိုကိုက ျပင္သစ္ကို စစ္ေၾကညာလွ်င္၊ အိႏိၵယက ၿဗိတိန္ကို စစ္ေၾကညာလွ်င္ သို႔မဟုတ္ ပါရွား သို႔မဟုတ္ တရုတ္က ရုရွားကို စစ္ေၾကညာလွ်င္ စသည့္စစ္မ်ားကို မည္သူကစတင္တိုက္ခိုက္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ တရားမွ်တေသာ ခုခံစစ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ မည္သည့္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မဆိုသည္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံ၊ မလြတ္လပ္၊ တန္းတူညီမွ်မႈမရရွိေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားက ဖိႏွိပ္သူ၊ ေက်းပိုင္ကၽြန္ပိုင္၊ သားေကာင္ရွာ မဟာအင္အားႀကီးႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအား ေအာင္ႏိုင္ရန္ လိုလားရမည္။
“But imagine a slave-holder who owns 100 slaves waning against another who owns 200 slaves, for a more ‘just’ redistribution of slaves. The use of the term of a ‘defensive’ war, or a war ‘for the defence of the fatherland’, would clearly be historically false in such a case and would in practice be sheer deception of the common people, petty-bourgeois, and the ignorant, by the astute slaveholders.”151
သို႔ေသာ္ ေက်းကၽြန္ ၁၀၀ ပိုင္ေသာ ကၽြန္ပိုင္ရွင္က ေက်းကၽြန္ ၂၀၀ ပိုင္ေသာ ကၽြန္ပိုင္ရွင္ကို ေက်းကၽြန္မ်ား ပိုမိုမွ်တစြာ ျပန္လည္ခြဲေဝေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ေသာစစ္ကို စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ပါ။ ခုခံစစ္ သို႔မဟုတ္ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကို ကာကြယ္ေသာစစ္ဟူသည့္ အသုံးအႏႈံးမ်ားသည္ ဤေနရာတြင္ သမိုင္းအရ မွားယြင္းသည္မွာ ထင္ရွားလွၿပီး လက္ေတြ႕တြင္ သာမန္လူမ်ား၊ ဓနရွင္ေပါက္စမ်ားႏွင့္ မသိနားမလည္သူမ်ားကို ကၽြမ္းက်င္ေသာ ကၽြန္ပိုင္ရွင္မ်ားက ေျဗာင္က်က် လွည့္စားျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္။
Thus the wars waged by imperialist powers were compared to wars between slave-holders for a so-called just re-division of slaves, and were therefore historically reactionary and totally unjust. Thus socialists are against wars waged by imperialism and against the slogan “defence of the fatherland” given by the imperialist: bourgeoisie. However says Lenin, in 1916, “We are not at all against ‘defence of the fatherland’ in general, not against ‘defensive wars’ in general. ..... We are against defence of the fatherland and defensive position in the imperialist war of 1914-16 [i.e., World War I] and in other imperialist wars, typical of the imperialist epoch. But in the imperialist epoch there may be also ‘just’, ‘defensive’, revolutionary wars namely (1) national, (2) civil, (3) socialist and suchlike.”152
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕အင္အားႀကီးႏိုင္ငံမ်ား တိုက္သည့္ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားကို ကၽြန္ပိုင္ရွင္မ်ားအၾကား ကၽြန္ျပန္လည္ ခြဲေဝေရး စစ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး သမိုင္းအရ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး၊ လုံးဝမတရားေသာ စစ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ဆုိရွယ္လစ္မ်ားသည္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကဆင္ႏႊဲေသာ စစ္မ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ၿပီး နယ္ခ်ဲ႕မ်ား၊ ဓနရွင္မ်ား၏ ေၾကြးေၾကာ္သံျဖစ္ေသာ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကိုကာကြယ္ေရးကို ဆန္႔က်င္ၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လီနင္က ၁၉၁၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာခဲ့သည္။ "မိမိတို႔သည္ ေယဘုံယ်အားျဖင့္ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကိုကာကြယ္ေရးအားလုံးကို ေယဘုံယ်အားျဖင့္ ခုခံစစ္အားလုံးကို ဆန္႔က်င္သည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ မိမိတို႔ဆန္႔က်င္သည္မွာ ကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း ၁၉၁၄-၁၆ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ႏွင့္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ေခတ္၏ ထုံးစံျဖစ္ေသာ အျခားနယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္မ်ားမွ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကိုကာကြယ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ခုခံစစ္အေနအထားသာျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ေခတ္တြင္ (၁) အမ်ိဳးသား (၂) ျပည္တြင္း(၃) ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏွင့္ အျခားအလားတူေသာ တရားေသာ၊ ခုခံေသာ ေတာ္လွန္စစ္မ်ားလည္း ရွိႏိုင္သည္။" ၁၅၂
In this manner Lenin developed Marx’s theory of just and unjust war. Marx during the era of bourgeois revolution supported the wars waged by the then revolutionary bourgeoisie against feudal reaction as progressive, revolutionary and just. The guiding principle was therefore support to those wars that would fight feudal reaction, take ahead the bourgeois revolution, and thus facilitate the path to socialism. In the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, Lenin similarly categorised as revolutionary and just, all wars waged by the proletariat – whether waged within a country as civil war or as a socialist war for defence of a socialist base; and all wars waged by oppressed nations - national liberation wars. Here too the guiding principle was the need to carry forward the World Socialist Revolution.
မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ၏ တရားေသာစစ္ႏွစ္မတရားေသာစစ္သေဘာတရားကို လီနင္ကအထက္ပါအတိုင္းေဖၚထုတ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဓနရွင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလအတြင္း မာ့က္စ္သည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ ဓနရွင္လူတန္းစားက ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ဆင္ႏြဲေသာ စစ္မ်ားကို တိုးတက္ေသာ၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ တရားေသာစစ္မ်ားအျဖစ္ ေထာက္ခံသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္လမ္းညြဳန္သေဘာတရားမွာ ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေသာ စစ္မ်ားကို ေထာက္ခံ၊ ဓနရွင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ေရွ႕ဆက္ၿပီး ထိုမွ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လမ္းေၾကာင္းကို အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႕ေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေရးျဖစ္သည္။ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ေခတ္ႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေခတ္တြင္လည္း ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အျဖစ္ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းတြင္ ဆင္ႏႊဲသည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္အေျခစိုက္စခန္းတခုကိုခုခံကာကြယ္သည့္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စစ္ျဖစ္ေစ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားက ဆင္ႏႊဲေသာ စစ္မ်ားအားလုံး အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး စစ္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံႏိုင္ငံမ်ားက ဆင္ႏႊဲေသာ စစ္မ်ားအားလုံးသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ၊ တရားေသာစစ္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု လီနင္က အလားတူ ခြဲျခားသတ္မွတ္သည္။ ဤေနရာတြင္လည္း လမ္းညြဳန္သေဘာတရားမွာ ကမၻာ႕ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကိုေရွ႕သို႔ဆက္လက္သယ္ေဆာင္ေရးသာျဖစ္သည္။
Tactics during Imperialist War
Following from the above understanding, during World War I, Lenin presented the Marxist tactics in the following manner:
“The war has undoubtedly created a most acute crisis and has immeasurably increased the distress of the masses. The reactionary nature of this war, and the unblushing lies told by the bourgeoisie of all countries to conceal their predatory aims with ‘national’ ideology are, on the basis of an objectively revolutionary situation, inevitably creating revolutionary moods among the masses. It is our duty to help the masses become conscious of these moods, deepen them and give them shape. This task finds correct expression only in the slogan: convert the imperialist war into a civil war; all consistently waged class struggles in wartime and all seriously conducted ‘mass-action’ tactics inevitably lead to this. It is impossible to foretell whether a powerful revolutionary movement will flare up in connection with, during or after the first or the second imperialist war of the Great Powers; in any case it is our bounden duty to work systematically and unswervingly in this direction...
နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္အတြင္း နည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ား
အထက္ပါနားလည္မႈကို လိုက္နာၿပီး ပထမကမၻာစစ္တြင္ လီနင္က မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒနည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ားကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းတင္ျပခဲ့သည္။
"စစ္သည္ အျပင္းထန္ဆုံးေသာ အက်ပ္အတည္းကိုဖန္တီးသည္ကို သံသယျဖစ္ရန္မလိုဘဲ လူထုမ်ား၏ အက်ပ္အတည္းကို တိုင္းတာမရေလာက္ေအာင္ ျမင့္မားေစသည္။ စစ္၏ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ ထိုသေဘာသဘာ၀ ႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားအေတြးအေခၚဟုဆိုကာ ၄င္းတို႕၏ သားေကာင္ရွာေသာ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ကို ဖုံးကြယ္ရန္ ႏိုင္ငံအားလုံးမွ ဓနရွင္မ်ား ေျပာၾကားသည့္ မရွက္ေၾကာက္ေသာ အလိမ္အညာမ်ားသည္ ဓမၼဒိဌာန္က်ေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အေျခအေန အေျခခံအရ လူထုမ်ားအၾကားတြင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ စိတ္ခံစားမႈမ်ားကို မလႊဲမေရွာင္သာ ဖန္တီးေပးသည္။ မိမိတို႕၏တာ၀န္မွာ လူထုအေနျဖင့္ ထိုသို႔ေသာ ခံစားမႈမ်ားကို သိရွိေအာင္၊ နက္ရိႈင္းလာေအာင္၊ ပုံေပၚလာေအာင္ ကူညီေရးျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုတာ၀န္၏ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ေဖၚျပခ်က္မွာ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ကို ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ေျပာင္း၊ စစ္အတြင္းတြင္ လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲကို စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ဆင္ႏြဲ၊ အေလးနက္ဆုံးဆင္ႏႊဲသည့္ လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ နည္းပိရိရာယ္သည္ ထိုအခ်က္သို႔မလႊဲသာ မေရွာင္သာ ဦးတည္ေစသည္ ဟူေသာေၾကြးေၾကာ္သံပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ အင္အားႀကီးႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ပထမ သို႔မဟုတ္ ဒုတိယ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီ၊ အတြင္း သို႔မဟုတ္ အၿပီးတြင္ အင္အားႀကီးမားသည့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖစ္ေပၚမည္၊ မျဖစ္ေပၚမည္ကို ႀကိဳတင္ေျပာၾကားရန္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။ မည္သို႔ပင္ျဖစ္ေစ မိမိတို႔၏ တာ၀န္မွာ ထိုလမ္းေၾကာင္းအတိုင္း စနစ္တက် မတြန္႕မဆုတ္ လုပ္ကိုင္ရန္သာျဖစ္သည္။
“A revolutionary class cannot but wish for the defeat of its government in a reactionary war, and cannot fail to see that the latter’s military reverses must facilitate its overthow.”153 Thus “the socialists of all the belligerent countries should express their wish that all their ‘own’ governments would be defeated... it is a statement of this kind that would be in keeping with the innermost thoughts of every class-conscious worker, and be in line with our activities for the conversion of the imperialist war into a civil war.”153
"ေတာ္လွန္ေသာလူတန္းစားတခုသည္ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္အတြင္း ၄င္း၏ အစိုးရရႈံးနိမ့္ျခင္းကို လိုလားရုံမွလြဲၿပီး အျခားမရွိဘဲ အစိုးရ၏ စစ္အရန္အင္အားမ်ားသည္ အစိုးရျပဳတ္က်ျခင္းကို လြယ္ကူေအာင္လုပ္မည္ကို သိျမင္ရန္ မပ်က္ကြက္သင့္ေပ။၁၅၃ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ စစ္ေသြးဆာေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအားလုံးမွ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မ်ား ၄င္းတို႕အစိုးရမ်ားရႈံးနိမ့္သည္ကို လိုလားေၾကာင္းေဖၚျပရမည္။ ဤသည္မွာ လူတန္းစားအသိရွိေသာ အလုပ္သမားတုိင္း၏ အတြင္းစိတ္ႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီေသာ ေဖၚျပခ်က္မ်ိဳးျဖစ္ၿပီး မိမိတို႔၏ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ကို ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အျဖစ္ေျပာင္းလဲပစ္ေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားႏွင့္လည္းကိုက္ညီမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
“The temper of the masses in favour of peace often expresses the beginning of protest, anger and a realisation of the reactionary nature of the war. It is the duty of all Social-Democrats to utilise that temper. They will take a most ardent part in any movement and in any demonstration motivated by that sentiment, but they will not deceive the people with admitting the idea that a peace without annexations, without oppression of nations, without plunder, and without the embryo of new wars among the present governments and ruling classes, is possible in the absence of a revolutionary movement... Whoever wants a lasting and democratic peace must stand for civil war against the governments and the bourgeoisie.”153
" ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလိုလားေသာျပည္သူလူထုမ်ား၏စိတ္သည္ ေဒါသႏွင့္ စစ္၏တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ သေဘာသဘာ၀ကိုနားလည္ျခင္းႏွင့္ေဒါသျဖစ္သည့္ ဆန္႔က်င္မႈ၏ အစတြင္ေဖၚျပေလ့ရွိသည္။ ထိုစိတ္ကို အသုံးခ်ရန္မွာ ဆိုရွယ္ဒီမိုကရက္မ်ား အားလုံး၏ တာ၀န္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၄င္းတို႕႔သည္ ထိုစိတ္ဓါတ္ကလႈံ႕ေဆာ္သည့္ မည္သည့္လႈပ္ရွားမႈတြင္မဆို၊ မည္သည့္ဆႏၵျပပြဲတြင္မဆို ထက္သန္ေသာအခန္းက႑မွပါ၀င္လိမ့္မည္ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း က်ဴးေက်ာ္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ျခင္းမရွိေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမရွိေသာ လုယက္ျခင္းမရွိေသာ လက္ရွိအစိုးရမ်ားႏွင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူလူတန္းစားမ်ားအၾကားတြင္ စစ္ပြဲသစ္၏ သေႏၶမပါေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ မရွိဘဲ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္ဟူသည့္ အေတြးအေခၚကိုလက္ခံျခင္းျဖင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုကိုလွည့္စားမည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ရွည္ၾကာၿပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီက်ေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို လိုခ်င္သူ မည္သူမဆိုသည္ အစိုးရႏွင့္ ဓနရွင္လူတန္းစားကို ဆန္႔က်င္သည့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အတြက္ ရပ္တည္ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
These thus were the tactics of the revolutionary Marxists during World War I. They were however rejected by all the leaderships of the revisionist parties of the Second International. The Bolsheviks were the only ones to implement these tactics and were successful in achieving the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution.
ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ထိုအခ်က္မ်ားသည္ ပထမကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒီမ်ား၏နည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ထိုအခ်က္မ်ားကို ဒုတိယအင္တာေနရွင္နယ္မွ ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ေရးပါတီမ်ား၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈအားလုံးက ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ေဘာ္လ္ရွီဗစ္မ်ားသည္ ထုိနည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ားကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚသည္ တဦးတည္းေသာသူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး မဟာေအာက္တိုဘာ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ေအာင္ပြဲရသည္အထိ လုပ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
During the period of World War II, Stalin and the Third International, adopted the basis of the same Marxist-Leninist principles to arrive at the tactics of the proletariat during the war. Thus at the Seventh Congress of the Comintern in 1935, as the war danger was increasing the resolution on the danger of a new world war said:
ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္ကာလတြင္မူ စတာလင္ႏွင့္ တတိယ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္သည္ စစ္အတြင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ နည္းပိရိရာယ္မ်ား ရရွိေရးအတြက္ အလာတူေသာ မာ့က္စ္-လီနင္၀ါဒ သေဘာတရားကို ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည္. ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ၁၉၃၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္က်င္းပေသာ ကိုမင္တန္ သတၱမအႀကိမ္ကြန္ဂရက္တြင္ စစ္အႏၱရာယ္သည္ ကမၻာစစ္သစ္၏ အႏၱရာယ္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို ပိုမိုႀကီးထြားေစေသာေၾကာင့္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာခဲ့သည္။
“The communists, while fighting also against the illusion that war can be eliminated while the capitalist system still exists, are exerting and will exert every effort to prevent war. Should a new imperialist world war break out, despite all efforts of the working class to prevent it, the communists will strive to lead the opponents of war, organised in the struggle for peace, to the struggle for the transformation of the imperialist war into civil war against the fascist instigators of war, against the bourgeoisie, for the overthrow of capitalism....
"ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ားသည္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္တည္ရွိေနစဥ္ စစ္ကို အျမစ္ျဖတ္ဖယ္ရွားနိုင္သည္ဟူေသာ ထင္ေယာင္ထင္မွားျဖစ္ျခင္းတိုက္ခိုက္ေနသည့္ တခ်ိန္တည္းတြင္ စစ္ကိုတားဆီးရန္ အားထုတ္မႈအားလုံးကို လုပ္ရမည္၊ လုပ္လိမ့္မည္။ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားက တားဆီးေနသည့္ၾကားမွ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္သစ္ျဖစ္လာလွ်င္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ားသည္ စစ္ဆန္႔က်င္သူမ်ားကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတိုက္ပြဲအတြင္း စုစည္းၿပီး နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ကို ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးတိုက္ပြဲသို႔ဦးတည္ရန္ ႀကိဳးစားမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
At the present historical juncture, when on one-sixth part of the glove the Soviet Union defends socialism and peace for all humanity, the most vital interests of the workers and toilers of all countries demand that in pursuing the policy of the working class, in waging the struggle for peace, the struggle against imperialist war before and after the outbreak of hostilities, the defence of the Soviet Union must be considered paramount.
လူသားအားလုံးအတြက္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ဝါဒႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းမႈအတြက္ ကမ႓ာ၏ ၆ ပုံ ၁ ပုံကို ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံက ကာကြယ္ထားေသာ ယခုလက္ရွိ သမိုင္း၏ လမ္းစုံလမ္းခြတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံအားလုံးရွိ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ား၏ အဓိက အက်ိဳးစီးပြားသည္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ေတာင္းဆိုသည္။ အလုပ္လုပ္ေသာလူတန္းစား၏ မူဝါဒကို လိုက္နာအေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚရာတြင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဆင္ႏႊဲရာတြင္ ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္မႈမ်ား မျဖစ္ေပၚမီႏွင့္ ျဖစ္ေပၚအၿပီးတြင္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ပြဲကို ဆန္႕က်င္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲ၊ ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနံယံအားကာကြယ္ေရးကို အဓိက အျဖစ္သတ္မွတ္ထားရမည္။
“If the commencement of a counter-revolutionary war forces the Soviet Union to set the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army in motion for the defence of socialism, the communists will call upon all toilers to work, with all the means at their disposal and-at any price, for the victory of the Red Army over the armies of the imperialists.”154
“ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္ပြဲ စတင္ျခင္းသည္ ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံကို ကာကြယ္ရန္အတြက္ ဆိုဗီယက္ ယူနီယံက အလုပ္သမား၊ လယ္သမားမ်ား၏ တပ္နီေတာ္ကို လႈပ္ရွားေစရန္ တြန္းအားေပးခံရလွ်င္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ားသည္ တပ္နီေတာ္က နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္တပ္မ်ား အေပၚေအာင္ပြဲခံႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ားကို မည္သည့္ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္နည္းလမ္းျဖင့္၊ မည္သည့္ေပးဆပ္ရျခင္းျဖင့္မဆို လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုရမည္။
This was the basis for the tactics of the proletariat when the war broke out in 1939. In the period up to June 1941, before the Soviet Union was attacked and forced into the war, the war was a reactionary, unjust, imperialist war and the proletariat’s tactics were to turn the war into civil war. After the attack and the involvement of the Soviet Red Army, the nature of the war changed for the proletariat and all toilers of the world. Their fatherland, the land of socialism, was under attack and its defence became paramount. Thus the war became a just, progressive and defensive war for saving and developing the forces of socialism, against the attacks of the forces of imperialism.
စစ္စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားေသာ ၁၉၃၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဤအခ်က္သည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား၏ နည္းပိရိရာယ္အတြက္ အေျခခံျဖစ္သည္။ ဆိုဗီယက္ ယူနီယံတိုက္ခိုက္ခံရၿပီး စစ္အတြင္းဆြဲသြင္းမခံရမီ ၁၉၄၁ ခုႏွစ္ ဇြန္လအထိ စစ္သည္ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ၊ မတရားေသာ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား၏ နည္ူပိရိရာယ္မွာ စစ္ကိုျပည္တြင္းစစ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုတိုက္ခိုက္မႈႏွင့္ စစ္တြင္ဆိုဗီယက္ တပ္နီေတာ္ပါဝင္လာၿပီးေနာက္တြင္ ကမ႓ာ႔ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ားအားလုံးအတြက္ စစ္၏ သေဘာသဘာဝသည္ ေျပာင္းလဲသြားသည္။ ၎တို႔၏ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သည္ တိုက္ခိုက္ခံေနရၿပီး ထိုႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကိုကာကြယ္ေရးသည္ အထြဋ္အထိပ္ေရာက္လာသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ထိုစစ္သည္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္အင္အားစုမ်ားကို နယ္ခ်ဲ႕အင္အားစုမ်ား၏ တိုးက္ခိုက္မႈမွ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ တရားေသာ၊ တိုးတက္ေသာ ခံစစ္ျဖစ္လာသည္။
Mao’s Development of the Line on World War and Peace
Immediately after World War II in 1946, Mao gave the following understanding as to the possibility of a third world war: “I think the American people and the peoples of all countries menaced by U.S. aggression should unite and struggle against the attacks of the U.S. reactionaries and their running dogs in these countries. Only by victory in this struggle can a third world war be avoided; otherwise it is unavoidable.”155 The essence of this understanding that only people’s struggles against imperialism and revolution can prevent the third world war continues to be the basis of the Marxist understanding.
ကမ႓ာစစ္ႏွင့္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွ
ဒုတိယ ကမ႓ာစစ္အၿပီး ၁၉၄၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေမာ္ သည္ တတိယကမ႓ာစစ္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေျခႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာနားလည္မႈကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းတင္ျပသည္။ “ အေမရိကန္ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ရန္စမႈကို ခံေနရေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအားလုံးမွျပည္သူမ်ား
လူသားအားလုံးအတြက္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ဝါဒႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းမႈအတြက္ ကမ႓ာ၏ ၆ ပုံ ၁ ပုံကို ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံက ကာကြယ္ထားေသာ ယခုလက္ရွိ သမိုင္း၏ လမ္းစုံလမ္းခြတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံအားလုံးရွိ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ား၏ အဓိက အက်ိဳးစီးပြားသည္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ေတာင္းဆိုသည္။ အလုပ္လုပ္ေသာလူတန္းစား၏ မူဝါဒကို လိုက္နာအေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚရာတြင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဆင္ႏႊဲရာတြင္ ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္မႈမ်ား မျဖစ္ေပၚမီႏွင့္ ျဖစ္ေပၚအၿပီးတြင္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ပြဲကို ဆန္႕က်င္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲ၊ ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနံယံအားကာကြယ္ေရးကို အဓိက အျဖစ္သတ္မွတ္ထားရမည္။
“If the commencement of a counter-revolutionary war forces the Soviet Union to set the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army in motion for the defence of socialism, the communists will call upon all toilers to work, with all the means at their disposal and-at any price, for the victory of the Red Army over the armies of the imperialists.”154
“ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစစ္ပြဲ စတင္ျခင္းသည္ ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံကို ကာကြယ္ရန္အတြက္ ဆိုဗီယက္ ယူနီယံက အလုပ္သမား၊ လယ္သမားမ်ား၏ တပ္နီေတာ္ကို လႈပ္ရွားေစရန္ တြန္းအားေပးခံရလွ်င္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ားသည္ တပ္နီေတာ္က နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္တပ္မ်ား အေပၚေအာင္ပြဲခံႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ားကို မည္သည့္ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္နည္းလမ္းျဖင့္၊ မည္သည့္ေပးဆပ္ရျခင္းျဖင့္မဆို လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုရမည္။
This was the basis for the tactics of the proletariat when the war broke out in 1939. In the period up to June 1941, before the Soviet Union was attacked and forced into the war, the war was a reactionary, unjust, imperialist war and the proletariat’s tactics were to turn the war into civil war. After the attack and the involvement of the Soviet Red Army, the nature of the war changed for the proletariat and all toilers of the world. Their fatherland, the land of socialism, was under attack and its defence became paramount. Thus the war became a just, progressive and defensive war for saving and developing the forces of socialism, against the attacks of the forces of imperialism.
စစ္စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားေသာ ၁၉၃၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဤအခ်က္သည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား၏ နည္းပိရိရာယ္အတြက္ အေျခခံျဖစ္သည္။ ဆိုဗီယက္ ယူနီယံတိုက္ခိုက္ခံရၿပီး စစ္အတြင္းဆြဲသြင္းမခံရမီ ၁၉၄၁ ခုႏွစ္ ဇြန္လအထိ စစ္သည္ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ၊ မတရားေသာ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား၏ နည္ူပိရိရာယ္မွာ စစ္ကိုျပည္တြင္းစစ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုတိုက္ခိုက္မႈႏွင့္ စစ္တြင္ဆိုဗီယက္ တပ္နီေတာ္ပါဝင္လာၿပီးေနာက္တြင္ ကမ႓ာ႔ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ားအားလုံးအတြက္ စစ္၏ သေဘာသဘာဝသည္ ေျပာင္းလဲသြားသည္။ ၎တို႔၏ အဖႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သည္ တိုက္ခိုက္ခံေနရၿပီး ထိုႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကိုကာကြယ္ေရးသည္ အထြဋ္အထိပ္ေရာက္လာသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ထိုစစ္သည္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္အင္အားစုမ်ားကို နယ္ခ်ဲ႕အင္အားစုမ်ား၏ တိုးက္ခိုက္မႈမွ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ တရားေသာ၊ တိုးတက္ေသာ ခံစစ္ျဖစ္လာသည္။
Mao’s Development of the Line on World War and Peace
Immediately after World War II in 1946, Mao gave the following understanding as to the possibility of a third world war: “I think the American people and the peoples of all countries menaced by U.S. aggression should unite and struggle against the attacks of the U.S. reactionaries and their running dogs in these countries. Only by victory in this struggle can a third world war be avoided; otherwise it is unavoidable.”155 The essence of this understanding that only people’s struggles against imperialism and revolution can prevent the third world war continues to be the basis of the Marxist understanding.
ကမ႓ာစစ္ႏွင့္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွ
ဒုတိယ ကမ႓ာစစ္အၿပီး ၁၉၄၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေမာ္ သည္ တတိယကမ႓ာစစ္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေျခႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာနားလည္မႈကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းတင္ျပသည္။ “ အေမရိကန္ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ရန္စမႈကို ခံေနရေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအားလုံးမွျပည္သူမ်ား
Thus when Khrushchev came out with his revisionist understanding of peace, the CPC under the guidance of Mao, gave the following understanding on the question:
“Since World War 11, people everywhere have been vigorously demanding world peace. More and more people have come to understand that to defend world peace it is imperative to wage struggles against the imperialist policies of aggression and war…ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ခရူးရွက္သည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအေပၚ ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ေရးနားလည္မႈျဖင့္ထြက္လာေသာအခါ ေမာ္၏လမ္းညြဳန္မႈေအာက္မွ တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီသည္ ထိုျပႆနာႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ေအာက္ပါနားလည္မႈကို ေပးသည္။
"ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္မွစတင္ၿပီး ေနရာတိုင္းမွသူမ်ားသည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို အင္ႏွင့္အားႏွင့္ ေတာင္းဆိုၾကသည္။ ကမၻာ႕ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ကာကြယ္ရန္အတြက္ က်ဴးေက်ာ္မႈႏွင့္ စစ္မူ၀ါဒမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရန္လိုေၾကာင္း နားလည္သူအေရအတြက္မွ ပို၍ပို၍ မ်ားျပားလာသည္။
“Marxist-Leninists throughout the world are duty bound to treasure the peace sentiments of the people and to stand in the forefront of the struggle for world peace. They are duty bound to struggle against the imperialists’ policies of aggression and war, to expose their deceptions and defeat their plans for war. They are duty bound to educate the people, raise their political consciousness and guide the struggle for world peace in the proper direction.”156 “ ျပည္သူလူထု၏ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆႏၵကို တန္ဖိုးထားရန္ႏွင့္ ကမၻာ႕ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ေရွ႕တန္းမွ ရပ္တည္ရန္မွကမၻာတ၀န္းလုံးမွ မာ့က္စ္-လီနင္၀ါဒီမ်ား၏ တာ၀န္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၄င္းတို႔သည္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္၏ က်ဴးေက်ာ္မႈနွင့္ စစ္မူ၀ါဒမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရန္၊ ၄င္းတို႔၏ လွည့္ျဖားမႈမ်ားကို ဖြင့္ခ်ၿပီး ၄င္းတို႔၏ စစ္အစီအစဥ္ကို ေခ်မႈန္းရန္လည္းတာ၀န္ရွိသည္။ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ပညာေပးရန္၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသိကို ျမွင့္တင္ေပးရန္ႏွင့္ ကမၻာ႕ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတိုက္ပြဲကို မွန္ကန္ေသာလမ္းေၾကာင္းသို႔လမ္းညြဳန္ေပးရန္လည္း ၄င္းတို႔တြင္ တာ၀န္ရွိသည္။
... our difference with the leaders of the CPSU on the question of war and peace is one between two different lines – whether or not to oppose imperialism, whether or not to support revolutionary struggles, whether or not to mobilise the people of the world against the imperialist war plans and whether or not to adhere to Marxism-Leninism.
စစ္ႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ျပႆနာႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ဆိုဗီယက္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ မိမိတို႔၏ ကြဲလြဲခ်က္မွာ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစက္ကို ဆန္႔က်င္မက်င္ႏွင့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲကို ေထာက္ခံမခံ၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္ စီမံကိန္းမ်ားကို ဆန္႕က်င္ရန္ ကမၻာ႕လူထုကို စည္းရုံးလႈပ္ရွားျခင္းျပဳမည္မျပဳမည္ႏွင္ မာ့က္စ္-လီနင္၀ါဒကို စြဲၿမဲစြာ လိုက္နာမလိုက္နာစသည့္ အယူအဆလမ္းေၾကာင္းႏွစ္ခုၾကားတြင္ရွိေနသည္။
“Like all other genuine revolutionary parties, the Communist Party of China has always been in the forefront of the struggle against imperialism and for world peace. We hold that to defend world peace it is necessary constantly to expose imperialism and to arouse and organise the people in struggle against the imperialists headed by the United States, and it is necessary to place reliance on the growth of the strength of the socialist camp, on the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat and working people of all countries, on the liberation struggles of the oppressed nations, on the struggles of all peace-loving peoples and countries and on the broad united front against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys. "အျခားစစ္မွန္ေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးပါတီမ်ားကဲ့သို႔ပင္ တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီသည္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႔စနစ္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးႏွင့္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ေရွ႕တန္းမွပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည္။ ကမၻာ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ကာကြယ္ရန္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို မွန္မွန္ ဖြင့္ခ်ၿပီး အေမရိကန္ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕မ်ားကို ဆန္႕က်င္သည့္တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ လူထုကို လႈံ႕ေဆာ္စည္းရုံးရန္ၿပီး ဆိုရွယ္လစ္အုပ္စု၏ ခြန္အားႀကီးထြားလာျခင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံအားလုံးမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္ေသာသူမ်ားေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲ၊ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ား၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးခ်စ္ျမတ္ႏိုးေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ာ၏ တိုက္ပြဲႏွင္ အေမရိကန္နယ္ခ်ဲ႔စနစ္ႏွင့္ ေနာက္လိုက္မ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေသာ က်ယ္ျပန္႔သည့္ ညီညြတ္ေရးတပ္ေပါင္းစု စသည္တို႔အေပၚမွီခိုအားထားရန္လိုသည္။
“..With this line, it is possible ceaselessly to raise the political consciousness of the people and to expand the struggle for world peace in the right direction.ဤအယူအဆျဖင့္ ျပည္သူလူထု၏ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသိကို မရပ္မနားျမွင့္တင္ရန္ ႏွင့္ ကမၻာ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတိုက္ပြဲကိုမွန္ကန္ေသာ လမ္းေၾကာင္းသို႔တိုးခ်ဲ႕ရန္ျဖစ္ႏို္င္သည္။
“With this line, it is possible constantly to strengthen the forces for world peace with the socialist camp as their core and strike at and weaken the imperialist forces for war.
ဤအယူအဆျဖင့္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္မ်ား ဗဟိုခ်က္မွပါ၀င္ေသာ ကမၻာ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအင္အားစု မ်ားကို မွန္မွန္အင္အားေတာင့္တင္းေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ႏွင္ စစ္၏နယ္ခ်ဲ႕အင္အားစုမ်ားကို ထိုးႏွက္အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔ေစႏိုင္သည္။
“With this line, it is possible to turn to account all available factors, including the contradictions between U.S. imperialism and the other imperialist powers, and to isolate U.S. imperialism to the fullest extent.
ဤအယူအဆျဖင့္ အေမရိကန္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ႏွင့္ အျခားနယ္ခ်ဲ႔အင္အားႀကီးမ်ားအၾကား ပဋိပကၡမ်ားအပါအ၀င္ ရႏိုင္သမွ်အခ်က္အားလုံးကိုအားထားရန္ႏွင့္အေမရိကန္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႔စနစ္ကို အျပည့္၀ဆုံးအေျခအေနအထိ အထီက်န္ထားရန္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။
“With this line, it is possible to smash the nuclear blackmail practised by U.S. imperialism and defeat its plan for launching a new world war. “This is the line for the people of all countries to win both victory in revolution and world peace. It is the sure and effective road in defence of world peace.”157 ဤအယူအစျဖင့္ အေမရိကန္နယ္ခ်ဲ႔စနစ္ကက်င့္သုံးေနသည့္ ညဴကလီယားၿခိမ္းေျခာက္အက်ပ္ကိုင္မႈ ေခ်မႊၿပီး ကမၻာစစ္သစ္ဆင္ႏႊဲရန္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ အစီအစဥ္ကို ေခ်မႈန္းရန္ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ဤလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွင့္ ကမၻာ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေအာင္ပြဲရရွိရန္ႏိုင္ငံအားလုံးမွျပည္သူမ်ားအတြက္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ကမၻာ႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကိုကာကြယ္သည့္ ေသခ်ာထိေရာက္ေသာ လမ္းေၾကာင္းျဖစ္သည္။
Refuting Khrushchev’s propaganda that support to national liberation and revolutionary civil wars would provoke a nuclear world war, the CPC and Mao, presented the correct approach of the socialist base to revolutionary struggles as well as to the nuclear question. အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးႏွင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မ်ားကို ေထာက္ခံအားေပးျခင္းသည္ ညဴကလီးယားကမၻာစစ္ကို ျဖစ္ေစႏိုင္သည္ဟူသည့္ ခရူးရွက္၏ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ိမႈကို ေခ်ဖ်က္ရာတြင္ ေမာ္သည္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ားကိုသာမက ညဴကလီးယားျပႆနာႏွင့္လည္းပတ္သတ္သည့္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္အုပ္စု၏ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈကို တင္ျပႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။
“The Communist Party of China has always held that the socialist countries should actively support the peoples’ revolutionary struggles, including wars of national liberation and revolutionary civil wars. To fail to do so would be to renounce their proletarian internationalist duty. At the same time, we hold that the oppressed peoples and nations can achieve liberation only by their own resolute revolutionary struggle and that no one else can do it for them. "ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးႏွင့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မ်ား အပါအ၀င္ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ားကို တက္ၾကြစြာ ေထာက္ခံသင့္သည္ဟု တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီက အၿမဲတမ္းယူဆခဲ့သည္။ ထိုသို႔ေထာက္ခံရန္ ပ်က္ကြက္ျခင္းသည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ႏိုင္ငံတကာ၀ါဒ တာ၀န္ကို စြန္လႊတ္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းတြင္ပင္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံျပည္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ ၄င္းတို႕၏ ျပတ္သားေသာ တိုက္ပြဲျဖင့္သာ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကိုေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္ၿပီး မည္သူကမွ်၄င္းတို႕အတြက္ ထိုသို႔လုပ္မေပးႏိုင္ေၾကာင္းလည္း မိမိတို႔ယူဆသည္။
“We have always maintained that socialist countries must not use nuclear weapons to support the peoples’ national liberation and revolutionary civil wars and have no need to do so. "ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးႏွင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေသာျပည္တြင္းစစ္မ်ားကို ေထာက္ခံရန္ ညဴကလီးယားလက္နက္မသုံးရ၊ သုံးရန္လည္းမလိုေၾကာင္း မိမိတို႕အၿမဲယူဆသည္။
“We have always maintained that the countries must achieve and maintain nuclear superiority. Only this can prevent the imperialists from launching a nuclear war and help bring about the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons."ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ ညဴကလီးယား အသာစီးရမႈရရွိထိန္းသိမ္းရမည္ဟု မိမိတို႔အၿမဲယူဆသည္။ ထိုသို႔လုပ္ေဆာင္မွသာလွ်င္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕မ်ားနယ္ခ်ဲ႕မ်ားညဴကလီးယားစစ္ဆင္ျခင္းကို တားဆီးႏိုင္ၿပီး ညဴကလီးယားလက္နက္လုံး၀ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္းကို အေထာက္အကူျပဳႏိုင္သည္။"
“We consistently hold that in the hands of a socialist country, nuclear weapons must always be defensive weapons for resisting imperialist nuclear threats. A socialist country absolutely must not be the first to use nuclear weapons, not should it in any circumstances play with them or engage in nuclear blackmail and nuclear gambling.”158 "ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံ၏လက္တြင္ ညဴကလီးယားလက္နက္မ်ားသည္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ညဴကလီးယားၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈကို ခုခံရန္ ခံစစ္လက္နက္သာ အၿမဲျဖစ္ေနရမည္ဟု မိမိတို႔အၿမဲယူဆသည္။ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ႏိုင္ငံတခုသည္ ညဴကလီးယားလက္နက္စတင္အသုံးျပဳေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမည္သည့္အခါမွ်မျဖစ္ေစရ။ မည္သည့္အေျခအေနတြင္မွ် ညဴကလီးယားလက္နက္ျဖင့္မကစားရ သို႔မဟုတ္ ညဴကလီးယားအက်ပ္ကိုင္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈသို႔မဟုတ္ ေလာင္းကစားရာတြင္မပါ၀င္ရ။ ၁၅၈
Thus Mao, basing himself on the principles formulated by Marx and Lenin, developed the principles for the proletariat to understand and act in the conditions following World War II. ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ေမာ္သည္ မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ လီနင္တို႕ ေဖၚထုတ္ခဲ့သည့္ သေဘာတရားမ်ားကို အေျခခံၿပီး ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း အေျခအေနမ်ားကို ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားမ်ားနားလည္ရန္ႏွင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္သေဘာတရားမ်ားကို ေဖၚထုတ္ခဲ့သည္။Chapter XIV
The Party
The concept of a working class party capable of providing leadership to revolution, took shape during the time of Marx and Engels; it underwent continuous development in the course of Paris Commune, Russian and Chinese revolution and other revolutions; and took qualitative leaps during the times of Lenin and Mao. It was mainly in the fight against the opportunist trends in the international communist movements (both left and right) that Marx, Lenin and Mao developed and enriched the concept of the communist party.
အခန္း (၁၄)
ပါတီ
ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ဦးေဆာင္မႈ ေပးႏိုင္ေသာ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီ အယူအဆသည္ မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕၏ ေခတ္အတြင္ ပုံေပၚလာသည္။ ထိုအယူူအဆသည္ ပါရီကြန္ျမဴး၊ ရုရွားေတာ္လွန္ေရး၊ တရုတ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွင့္ အျခားေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလမ်ားအတြင္ စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္တိုးတက္မႈကို လည္း ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ့ၿပီး လီနင္ႏွင့္ ေမာ္၏ေခတ္မ်ားတြင္ အရည္အေသြးဆိုင္ရာ တိုးတက္မႈမ်ားျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ မာ့က္စ္၊ လီနင္ႏွင့္ ေမာ္တို႕ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီဟူေသာ အယူအဆကို တိုးတက္ေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္မွာ အဓိက အားျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈအတြင္ အေခ်ာင္သမားမ်ား ( လက္၀ဲ၊ လက္ယ်ာ) ကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲအတြင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
Marx and Engels on the Working Class Party
In the initial period when the working class was a weak political force, Marx and Engels concentrated mainly on uniting the various dispersed working class forces and forming an independent working class party independent of the parties of other classes. Thus the Communist Manifesto proclaimed,
“The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties. “They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.”159
The rules of the First International founded by Marx stated, “The working class can act as. a class only by establishing a distinct political party, opposed to all the old parties formed by the possessing classes.”160
အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီအေပၚ မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕ အျမင္
အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားသည္ အင္အားနည္းေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစု အျဖစ္တည္ရွိေနေသာ ကနဦးကာလတြင္ မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕သည္ အမ်ိဳးအမ်ိဳး ျပန္႕က်ဲေနေသာ အလုပ္သမားအင္အားစုမ်ားကို စုစည္းရန္ႏွင့္ အျခားလူတန္းစားပါတီမ်ားမွ သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္ေသာ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီ တခုတည္ေထာင္ေရးကို အာရုံစိုက္လုပ္ကိုင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေၾကညာစာတမ္းတြင္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ထုတ္ေဖၚေၾကညာထားသည္။
Thus the founders of Marxism, primarily had the task of the ‘formation of the proletariat into a class’, of fusing Marxism with the proletariat, of the formation of a party with ‘no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole’.
ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ မာ့က္စ္ ၀ါဒကို တည္ေထာင္သူမ်ားသည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ႕မ်ားကို လူတန္းစားတခုအျဖစ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးႏွင့္ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား တခုလုံးအေနျဖင့္ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားမွ အပ အျခား သီးျခားအက်ိဳးစီးပြားမရွိေသာ ပါတီတခုဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးကို ကို အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့သည္။
It was according to these considerations therefore that the Provisional Rules, or Constitution of the First International began “with a preamble calling for organisation, as follows:
ထိုသုိ႕ေသာ စဥ္းစားသုံးသက္ခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ပင္ ယာယီ စသည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ား သို႕မဟုတ္ ပထမ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္၏ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံသည္ ေအာက္ပါ အဖြဲ႕စည္းကို ေတာင္းဆိုေသာ အမွာစာျဖင့္ စတင္သည္။
“‘That the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves; that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for the equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class rule;
"အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစာကိုယ္တုိင္က လုပ္ေဆာင္ရမည္။ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲသည္လူတန္းစားအခြင့္ထူးမ်ားႏွင့္ လက္၀ါႀကီးအုပ္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲသာမက တန္းတူ အခြင့္အေရးႏွင့္ တာ၀န္မ်ား ႏွင့္ လူတန္းစားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအားလုံးကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းေရးပါ အဓိပၸါယ္ သက္ေရာက္သည္။
“‘That the economical subjection of the man of labour to the monopolizer of the means of labour, that is, the source of life, lies at the bottom of servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation, and political dependence;
"အလုပ္လုပ္ေသာသူကို ဘ၀၏ရင္းျဖစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ကုန္ထုတ္နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ထားသူက စီးပြားေရးအရ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ျခင္း ေက်းကၽြန္စနစ္ပုံစံမ်ိဳးစုံ၊ လူမႈဒုကၡေပါင္းစုံ၊ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာနိမ့္က်ျခင္းႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရမွီခိုရျခင္းတို႕၏ ေအာက္တြင္ရွိေနသည္" “‘That the economical emancipation of the working classes is therefore the great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinated as a means;
"ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစာ၏ စီးပြားေရးအရလြတ္ေျမာက္ျခင္းသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈတိုင္းက နည္းလမ္းတခုအေနျဖင့္ သတ္မွတ္သင့္ေသာ မဟာရည္မွန္းခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။
“‘That all efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed for the want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labour in each country, and from the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the working classes of different countries;
"ထို မဟာရည္မွန္းခ်က္ကို ရည္ရြယ္ေသာ အားထုတ္မႈအားလုံးသည္ ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ႏိုင္ငံတခုစီ၏မ်ားျပားလွေသာ အလုပ္ခြဲျခားလုပ္ကိုင္မႈမ်ားအၾကား ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္မႈလိုျခင္းေၾကာင့္၊ ႏိုင္ငံအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးမွ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားမ်ားအၾကား ညီရင္အကိုပမာ ခ်စ္ၾကည္မႈမရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ မေအာင္ျမင္ေသးေပ။"
“‘That the emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and theoretical, of the most advanced countries;
" လုပ္အားကို လြတ္ေျမာက္ေစျခင္းသည္ ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ သို႕မဟုတ္ ႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာမဟုတ္ဘဲ ေခတ္သစ္လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတည္ရွိေနေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအားလုံး အႀကံဳး၀င္ၿပီး ၄င္း၏ အေျဖသည္ အတိုးတက္ဆုံးႏိင္ငံမ်ား၏ လက္ေတြ႕ႏွင့္ သေဘာတရားေရးရာ သေဘာတူညီမႈ ေပၚမူတည္ေနကာ လူမႈျပႆနာတခုျဖစ္သည္။
‘“That the present revival of the working classes in the most industrious countries of Europe, while it raises a new hope, gives solemn warning against a relapse into the old errors and calls for the immediate combination of the still disconnected movements.’ ”161
" ဥေရာပရွိ စက္မႈအတိုးတက္ဆုံးႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ လက္ရွိ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား ျပန္လည္ရွင္သန္လာျခင္းသည္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္သစ္တခုကို ျဖစ္ေပၚေစသကဲ့သို႕ ယခင္အမွားေဟာင္းမ်ားသို႕ ျပန္လည္ေလွ်ာက်ျခင္းႏွင္ပတ္သက္သည့္ ေလးနက္ေသာ သတိေပးျခင္းကိုလည္း ျဖစ္ေစကာ အဆက္အစပ္ကင္းမဲ့ေနဆဲျဖစ္ေသာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား အလွ်င္ အျမန္ေပါင္းစပ္ေရးကိုလည္း ေတာင္းဆိုသည္." ၁၆၁
Thus the prime organisational considerations of Marx and Engels at that period were the ‘want of solidarity’ between the ‘still disconnected movements’ and therefore the need to unite them at the national and international level.
ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ထိုေခတ္က မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕၏ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆိုင္ရာ စဥ္းစားသုံးသက္ခ်က္မ်ားမွာ အဆက္အစပ္ကင္းမဲ့ေနဆဲျဖစ္ေသာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားအၾကား ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္ ထို႕ေၾကာင္ ထိုလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားကို အမ်ိဳးသား အဆင့္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အဆင့္တြင္ ေပါင္းစည္းေပးရန္လိုအပ္ခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။
However, from the very beginning, they put forward, in a preliminary form, the concepts of the Communists as the vanguard, as the advanced detachment of the proletariat. The Communist Manifesto therefore stated,
သို႕ေသာ္ အစဦး အဆင့္တြင္ပင္ ၄င္းတို႕သည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ား၊ ပစၥည္မဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ အတိုးတက္ဆုံးတပ္ဖြဲ႕ကို အမာခံဦးေဆာင္မႈအျဖစ္ထားေသာ အယူအဆမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ အေျခခံပုံစံတခုကို တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေၾကညာစာတမ္းတြင္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
“The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.” 159
"ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ားသည္ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ တဖက္တြင္ လက္ေတြ႕အားျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတိုင္း၏ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီမ်ား၏ အတိုးတက္ဆုံး အျပတ္သားဆုံး အစိတ္အပိုင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး အျခားသူမ်ားကို ေရွ႕သို႕တြန္းပို႕ေနသာ အစိတ္အပိုင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး သေဘာတရားအရ အျခားတဖက္တြင္ ၄င္းတို႕တြင္ ႀကီးမားေသာ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားထုႀကီးအေပၚတြင္ ခ်ီတက္ရာလမ္းေၾကာင္း၊ အေျခအေနမ်ားႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ အႏၱိမ အေထြေထြ ရလဒ္မ်ား တို႕ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ရွင္းလင္းသည့္ နားလည္မႈအားသာခ်က္ ရွိသည္။
It was Marx who drew the Inaugural Address and Provisional Rules, the first programme and constitution of The First International.
ပထမဆုံးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ႏွင့္ ပထမ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္၏ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒ ျဖစ္ေသာ အဖြင့္မိန္႕ခြန္းႏွင့္ ယာယီစည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်းကို ေရးဆြဲသူမွာ မာ့က္စ္ျဖစ္သည္။ A continuous struggle had to be waged against various wrong trends in the International which grew stronger during 1860s. Sections of the International were created in several countries of Western Europe. As noted by Marx himself, “The International was founded in order to replace the socialist or semi-socialist sects by real organisation of the working class for struggle.... The history of the international was a continual struggle of the General Council against the sects and against amateur experiments, which sought to assert themselves within the International against the real movement of the working class.” (Quoted in Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, p. 45)
၁၈၆၀ ခုနွစ္မ်ားအတြင္း အင္အားႀကီးထြားလာေသာ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္အတြင္ မ်ားျပားလွသည့္ မွားယြင္းေသာ လမ္းေၾကာင္မ်ားကိ စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ခဲ့ရသည္။ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို အေနာက္ဥေရာပႏိုင္ငံအမ်ားအျပားတြင္ ဖန္တီးခဲ့သည္။ မာ့့က္စ္က မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခဲ့သည့္အတိုင္း "ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ သို႕မဟုတ္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္တပိုင္းအစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို တိုက္ပြဲအတြက္ စစ္မွန္ေသာ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား အဖြဲ႕အစည္းျဖင့္ အစားထိုးရန္ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္ကို ထူေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္၏ သမိုင္းသည္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား၏ စစ္မွန္ေသာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို ဆန္႕က်င္သည့္ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္အတြင္း ၄င္းတို႕ကို ၄င္းတို႕ ထူေထာင္ရန္ ႀကိဳးစားသည့္ ဂိုဏ္းကြဲမ်ား အေပ်ာ္တမ္း စမ္းသပ္မႈမ်ား ကိုဆန္႕က်င္သည့္ အေထြေထြေကာင္စီ၏ စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္သည္။ The major trends against which Marx and Engels had to wage a constant and bitter struggle were Anarchism led by Bakunin and other leaders who claimed adherence to Proudhon; Blanquist trend led by Luis Blanqui, the French working class leader, which relied more on conspiratorial methods. All these took active part in the Paris Commune of 1871, but. most of these trends deteriorated or the active elements went over to Marxism convinced by the brilliant analysis put forth by Marx regarding the reasons for the Commune’s failure.
မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕ စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ ခါးခါးသီးသီးတိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ အဓိက အယူအဆမ်ားမွာ ဘာကူနင္ႏွင့္ ပေရာက္ဟြန္ကို လိုက္နာသည္ဆိုသည့္ အျခားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ မင္းမဲ့၀ါဒ၊ ျပင္သစ္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားေခါင္းေဆာင္ လူအစ္ ဘလန္ကြီ ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ လိႈ႕၀ွက္ ႀကံစည္မႈသေဘာတရားမ်ားကို အားကိုးသည့္ ဘလန္ကြီ ၀ါဒီအယူအဆ တို႕ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုအယူအဆမ်ားအားလုံးသည္ ၁၈၇၁ ခုႏွင္ ပါရီကြန္ျမဴးတြင္ တက္ၾကြစြာပါ၀င္ၾကေသာ္လည္း ထိုအယူအဆအမ်ားစုသည္ ပ်က္ဆီးယိုယြင္းသြားသည္ သို႕မဟုတ္ ပါရီကြန္ျမဴးက်ဆုံးရျခင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မာ့က္စ္ကတင္ျပခဲ့ေသာ ေတာင္ေျပာင္လွသည့္ သရုပ္ခြဲေလ့လာမႈေၾကာင့္ ယုံၾကည္ခံရေသာ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒကို ေျပာင္းလဲပစ္ၾကသည္။
The Party of a New Type
The Party of a New Type
Due to the efforts of Marx and Engels working class parties accepting a Marxist ideological basis were formed in most capitalist countries by the turn of the century. However these parties which grew in the relatively peaceful period following the Paris Commune developed various wrong trends particularly in the period of the ascendancy of the opportunists within the Second International. These parties were oriented basically towards parliamentary struggle. As Stalin describes them, they were “unfit for the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, that they (were) not militant parties of the proletariat, leading the workers to power, but election machines adapted for parliamentary elections and parliamentary struggle... the party at that time was really an appendage and subsidiary of the parliamentary group ... under such circumstances and with such a party at the helm there could be no question of preparing the proletariat for revolution.”162
ပုံစံသစ္ပါတီ
မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕၏ အားထုတ္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒအေတြးအေခၚအေျခခံကိုလက္ခံေသာ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီမ်ားကို ရာစုႏွစ္ အကူးအေျပာင္းတြင္ အရင္းရွင္ႏိုင္ငံအမ်ားစုတြင္ တည္ေထာင္ၾကသည္။သို႕ေသာ္ ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ခ်က္အားျဖင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေသာ ပါရီးကြန္ျမဴးေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ႀကီးထြားလာေသာ ာထိုပါတီမ်ားသည္ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒုတိယ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္အတြင္း အေခ်ာင္သမားမ်ား ၾသဇာတက္လာေသာ ကာလတြင္ မွားယြင္းေသာ အယူအဆ အမ်ားအျပားကို ေဖၚထုတ္လာၾကသည္။ ထိုပါတီမ်ားသည္ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္း တိုက္ပြဲသို႕ ဦးတည္ၾကသည္။ စတာလင္၏ အဆိုအရဆိုပါက ၄င္းတို႕သည္ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို အာဏာရေစသည့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား တိုက္ပြဲအတြက္ မသင့္ေတာ္ဘဲ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ စစ္ေရးစိတ္ဓါတ္မရွိေသာ ပါတီမ်ားမဟုတ္ၾကဘဲ လႊတ္ေတာ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲႏွင့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းတိုက္ပြဲက ျပဳျပင္သည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ယႏၱရားသာလွ်င္ျဖစ္သည္။ လက္ေတြ႕တြင္ ထိုစဥ္က ထိုပါတီသည္ လြႊတ္ေတာ္အုပ္စု အဖြဲ႕ခြဲ အဆြယ္အပြားမွ်သာျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုကဲ႕သို႕ေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ားႏွင့္ ဦးေဆာင္ေနရာတြင္ ရွိေနေသာ ထိုကဲ့သို႕႔ေသာ ပါတီသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအတြက္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားကို ျပင္ဆင္ေပးျပႆနာကို မေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ေပ။ ၁၆၂
Further, matters changed radically with the dawn of imperialism and with intense revolutionary struggles. “The new period is one of open class collisions, of revolutionary action by the proletariat, of proletarian revolution, a period when forces are being directly mustered for the overthrow of imperialism and the seizure of power by the proletariat. In this period the proletariat is confronted with new tasks, the tasks of reorganising all party work on new, revolutionary lines; of educating the workers in the spirit of revolutionary struggle for power; of preparing and moving up reserves; of establishing an alliance with the proletarians of neighbouring countries; of establishing firm ties with liberation movement in the colonies and dependent countries, etc. etc. To think that these new tasks can be performed by the old Social-Democratic Parties, brought up as they were in the peaceful conditions of parliamentarism, is to doom oneself to hopeless despair, to inevitable defeat. If, with such tasks to shoulder, the proletariat remained under the leadership of the old parties, it would be completely unarmed. ...
သို႕ေသာ္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ႏွင့္ ျပင္းထန္ေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ေပၚေပါက္လာျခင္းႏွင့္အတူ အေျခအေနမ်ားသည္ အေျခခံက်က်ေျပာင္းလဲသြားသည္။ "ကာလသစ္ ေျပာင္က်ေသာ လူတန္းစာပြတ္တုိက္မႈ ကာလ၊ ပစၥည္းမဲ့တို႕၏ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ဆင္ႏႊဲမႈကာလ၊ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလ၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ရန္ နွင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားက အာဏာကို သိမ္းယူရန္ အင္အားစုမ်ားကို တိုက္ရိုက္စုစည္းေသာကာလျဖစ္သည္။ ဤကာလအတြင္း ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားသည္ လုပ္ငန္းတာ၀န္သစ္မ်ားကို ႀကံဳေတြ႕ရသည္။ ပါတီလုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာမ်ားအားလုံးကို သစ္လြင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ လမ္းေၾကာင္းမ်ားတြင္ ျပန္လည္ ဖြဲ႕စည္း တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္း လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ အာဏာသိမ္းပိုက္ေရးအတြက္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစိတ္ဓါတ္ျဖင့္ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို ပညာေပးျခင္း၊ အရန္ အင္အားစုမ်ားကို ျပင္ဆင္ျမွင့္တင္ျခင္း၊ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားနွင့္ မဟာမိတ္မ်ား ထူေထာင္ျခင္း၊ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ မလြတ္လပ္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ ခိုင္မာေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးထူေထာင္ျခင္း စသည္တို႕ကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ရသည္။ ထို လုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာသစ္မ်ားကို ပါလီမန္ စနစ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေသာ အေျခအေနတြင္ ႀကီးထြားလာသည့္ ဆိုရွယ္ဒီမိုကရက္ပါတီေဟာင္းမ်ားက လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္သည္ဟု ယူဆျခင္း ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ကင္းမဲ့ေသာ စိတ္ဓါတ္က်ဆင္းမႈႏွင့္ လႊဲေရွာင္မရေသာ ရႈံးနိမ့္မႈႀကံဳေတြ႕ ရေအာင္လုုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုသို႕ေသာ ထမ္းေဆာင္ရမည့္လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားရွိေနစဥ္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားသည္ ပါတီေဟာင္းမ်ား၏ ဦးေဆာင္မႈေအာက္တြင္ရွိေနလွ်င္ ၄င္းတို႕သည္ လက္နက္လုံး၀ ကင္းမဲ့ေသာ အေျခအေနတြင္ရွိေနမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
“Hence the necessity for a new party, a militant party, a revolutionary party, one bold enough to lead the proletarians in the struggle for power, sufficiently experienced to find its bearings amidst the complex conditions of a revolutionary situation, and sufficiently flexible to steer clear of all submerged rocks in the path to its goal.
ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ပါတီသစ္အတြက္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မွာ စစ္ေရးပါတီ၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးပါတီ၊ အာဏာအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားကို ဦးေဆာင္ႏိုင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ရဲရင့္ေသာပါတီ၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအေျခအေန၏ ရႈပ္ေထြးလွေသာ အေနအထားတြင္ မိမိ၏ စရိုက္လကၡဏာကို ရွာေဖြႏိုင္ရန္ လုံေလာက္ေသာ အေတြ႕အႀကံဳရွိသည့္ပါတီႏွင့္ မိမိ၏ရည္မွန္းခ်က္သို႕သြာရာလမ္းတြင္ ငုတ္ကြယ္ေနေသာ ေက်ာက္ေဆာင္မ်ားကို ေရွာင္ရွားသြားႏိုင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းေသာ ပါတီ ျဖစ္ရန္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
“Without such a party it is useless even to think of overthrowing imperialism, of achieving the dictatorship of the proletariat.
“Without such a party it is useless even to think of overthrowing imperialism, of achieving the dictatorship of the proletariat.
“This new party is the party of Leninism.”162
"ထိုသို႕ေသာ ပါတီတခု မရွိလွ်င္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ရန္၊ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစာ အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ေအာင္ျမင္ရန္ စိတ္ကူယဥ္ျခင္းသည္ အသုံးမ၀င္ေပ။"
"ထုိပါတီသစ္သည္ လီနင္၀ါဒ ပါတီျဖစ္သည္။" ၁၆၂
Stalin also outlined the specific features of the party of a new type: “1) The Party [is] the advanced detachment of the working class.” This means, that “The Party is the political leader of the working class”, it is “the General Staff of the proletariat”, and also that it “is an inseparable part of the working class.”
ပုံစံသစ္ပါတီ၏ တိက်ေသာ သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာမ်ားကိုလည္း စတာလင္က ေကာက္ေၾကာင္းေဖၚျပခဲ့သည္။
"(၁) ထိုပါတီသည္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား၏ တိုးတဲ့ေသာ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို ပါတီသည္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုလိုသည္။ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ စစ္ဦးစီးျဖစ္ၿပီး အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားမွ ခြဲထုတ္မရေသာ အစိတ္အပိုင္းလည္းျဖစ္သည္။ "
“2) The Party [is] the organised detachment of the working class.” This means that “the Party is not merely the sum total of Party organisations.” It “is at the same time a single system of these organisations, their formal union into a single whole, with higher and lower leading bodies, with subordination of the minority to the majority, with practical decisions binding on all members of the Party.”
“2) The Party [is] the organised detachment of the working class.” This means that “the Party is not merely the sum total of Party organisations.” It “is at the same time a single system of these organisations, their formal union into a single whole, with higher and lower leading bodies, with subordination of the minority to the majority, with practical decisions binding on all members of the Party.”
"(၂) ထို ပါတီသည္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား၏ စုစည္းညီညြတ္ေသာ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုပါတီသည္ ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားမ်ားကို ေပါင္းစပ္ထားသည့္ ပါတီမဟုတ္။ ထို ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၏ စနစ္တခုျဖစ္သည္၊ ၄င္းတို႕၏ အဆင့္နိမ့္အဆင့္ျမင့္ အဖြဲ႕မ်ား အနည္းစုက အမ်ားစုကိုလိုက္နာၿပီး ပါတီဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ပါတီ၀င္တိုင္း လိုက္နာရန္လိုေသာ တရား၀င္ တခုတည္းေသာစုစည္းထားသည့္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းျဖစ္သည္" “3) The Party [is] the highest form of class organisation of the proletariat. This does not mean, of course, that non-Party organisations, trade unions, co-operatives, etc., should be officially subordinated to the Party leadership. It only means that the members of the Party who belong to these organisations and are doubtlessly influential in them should do all they can to persuade these non-Party organisations to draw nearer to the Party of the proletariat in their work and voluntarily accept its political leadership.”
"(၃) ထုိပါတီသည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားအတြက္ အဆင့္အျမင္းဆုံးလူတန္စားအဖြဲ႕အစည္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ပါတီမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ အလုပ္သမားသမဂၢမ်ား သမ၀ါယမမ်ား စသည္တို႕သည္ပါတီ၏ဦးေဆာင္မႈကို လိုက္နာသင့္သည္ဟု ဆိုလိုျခင္းမရွိ။ ထိုအဖြဲ႕အစည္း၀င္ျဖစ္ေသာ ပါတီ၀င္မ်ား၊ ထိုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားတြင္ သံသယမရွိေလာက္ေအာင္ ၾသဇာရွိသူမ်ားသည္ ပါတီမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို ၄င္းတို႕၏ လုပ္ငန္းတြင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ပါတီႏွင့္ ပိုမိုနီးကပ္လာေစရန္ ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဦးေဆာင္မႈကို ဆႏၵအေလွ်ာက္ လက္ခံေအာင္ အတတ္ႏိုင္ဆုံး ဆြဲေဆာင္ေဖ်ာင္းဖ် စည္းရုံးရမည္ဟု သူဆိုလိုသည္။ " “4) The Party [is] an instrument of the dictatorship of .the proletariat... the proletariat needs the Party not only to achieve the dictatorship; it needs it still more to maintain the dictatorship, to consolidate and expand it in order to achieve the complete victory of socialism.... But from this it follows that when classes disappear and the dictatorship of the proletariat withers away, the Party also will wither away.”
"(၄) ထိုပါတီသည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ ကိရိယာ တခုျဖစ္သည္။ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားသည္ အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ပါတီကိုလိုအပ္သည္ သာမက အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ကို ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းရန္၊ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္၀ါဒ အျပည့္အ၀ ေအာင္ပြဲရေရးအတြက္ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို ပိုမိုက်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းက်ယ္ျပန္႔ေစရန္လည္း ပါတီကိုလည္းလိုသည္။ ထို႔အခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ လူတန္းစားမ်ား ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားေသာအခါ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား အာဏာရွင္စနစ္သည္လည္း တစတစ ခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္းသြားသည္။ ပါတီသည္လည္ တစတစ ခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္းသြားမည္။" “5) The Party [is] the embodiment of unity of will, unity incompatible with the existence of factions.”
"(၅) ထိုပါတီသည္ စိတ္ဆႏၵမ်ား၏ ညီညြတ္မႈ၊ ဂိုဏ္းကြဲမ်ားတည္ရွိျခင္းႏွင့္ လိုက္ေလွ်ညီေထြမရွိေသာ ညီညြတ္မႈကို ေဖၚျပေသာအရာျဖစ္သည္။"
“6) The Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements.”163
"(၆) ထိုပါတီသည္အေခ်ာင္သမား၀ါဒ အစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို ထုတ္ပယ္ျခင္းျဖင့္ အင္အားေတာင့္တင္းခိုင္မာလာသည္။ "၁၆၃
Such a new type of Party, Lenin insisted would have to be based on a solid core of professional revolutionaries.
His words: “I assert: (1) that no revolutionary movement can endure without a stable organisation of leaders maintaining continuity; (2) that the broader the popular mass drawn spontaneously into the struggle, forming the basis of the movement and participating in it, the greater the need for such an organisation and the more solid it must be ...; (3) that the organisation must consist chiefly of people professionally engaged in revolutionary activity; (4) that in an autocratic state, the more we confine membership of such an organisation to professional revolutionaries trained in the art of combating the political police, the more difficult it will be to unearth the organisation and (5) the greater the number of people from the working class and other social classes who will able to join the movement and work actively in it.”164
ထိုသို႔ေသာ ပုံစံသစ္ပါတီတခုသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမား စစ္မွန္သူမ်ားအမာခံမ်ားကို အေျခခံရမည္ဟု လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာသည္။
"(၁)စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္တည္ရွိမႈကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ တည္ၿငိမ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမရွိဘဲ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ မတည္တံ့ႏိုင္။ (၂) တိုက္ပြဲအတြင္းသို႕ အလိုအေလွ်ာက္ပါ၀င္လာေသာ လူထုကို လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ အေျခခံအဖြဲဖြဲ႕စည္းၿပီး ပါ၀္ေစၿပီး ဆြဲယူမႈ က်ယ္ျပန္႔လာေလေလ၊ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို ပိုမိုလိုအပ္လာေလေလႏွင့္ ပိုမိုႀကံ႕ခိုင္ရန္လိုလာေလေလပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ (၃) ထိုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတြင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားတြင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးက်စြာပါ၀င္သူမ်ားျဖင့္ အဓိက အာျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းရမည္။ (၄) ဗေဒသရာဇ္ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္တြင္ ထိုကဲ့ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတခု၏အဖြဲ႕၀င္ျဖစ္ျခင္းကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးရဲမ်ားကို တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေသာအတတ္တြင္ေလ့က်င့္ထားေသာ ေတာင္လွန္ေရသမားပီသသူမ်ားကိုသာ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ျဖစ္ခြင့္ ေပးေလေလ၊ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို ေဖၚထုတ္ႏိုင္ရန္ ခက္ခဲေလေလပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ (၅) အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားႏွင့္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈတြင္ပါ၀င္ၿပိးတက္ၾကြစြာလႈပ္ရွားႏိုင္ေသာ အျခားလူမႈအတန္းအစားမ်ားမွလူပိုမိုမ်ားျပားေလေလ" ၁၆၄
The party of a new type as expounded above by Stalin was developed by Lenin in the course of struggle against the opportunism of the Second International, against the peaceful evolutionary theories put forth by Bernstein, Martov, Woolmar Jaures, Mac Donald and other so-called leaders of Social Democracy and labour movements, who only advocated the formation of legal parties and opposed the need to form secret and militant revolutionary parties fit enough to overthrow the exploiting ruling classes and seize political power.
အထက္တြင္ စတာလင္ရွင္းျပခဲ့သည့္အတိုင္း ပုံစံသစ္ပါတီကို လီနင္က ဒုတိယအင္တာေနရွင္နယ္မွ အေခ်ာင္သမား၀ါဒျဖစ္ေသာ ဘန္းစတိန္း၊ မာေတာ့၊ ၀ူလ္မာ၊ ေဂ်ာ္ရက္ မကၠေဒၚနယ္ ႏွင့္ အျခား ဆိုရွယ္ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ အလုပ္သမားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ အတြင္းမွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဆိုသူမ်ား ကို တိုက္ခိုက္သည့္အခါတြင္ ပိုမိုဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၄င္းတို႔သည္ တရား၀င္ပါတီမ်ား ထူေထာင္ေရးကို အားေပးၾကၿပီး ေသြးစုတ္ေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူလူတန္းစာကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာ သိမ္းပိုက္ရန္ သင့္ေတာ္ေသာ စစ္သေဘာေဆာင္ေသာ လိႈ႕၀ွက္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးပါတီမ်ားဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို ဆန္႔က်င္ၾကသည္။ Lenin’s Where to begin? (1901) and What is to be done? (1902) laid out an elaborate plan for building a revolutionary party and laid bare the roots of the opportunist philosophy of the Economists that sought to make the working class an appendage of the bourgeoisie.
၁၉၀၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေရးသားသည့္ ဘယ္ကစမလဲ ႏွင့္ ၁၉၀၂ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ေရးသားသည့္ ဘာလုပ္ၾကမလဲ အမည္ရွိ လီနင္၏ စာတမ္းမ်ားသည္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးပါတီတခု တည္ေဆာက္ေရးအတြက္ အေသးစိတ္ အစီအစဥ္မ်ားမ်ားကို ရွင္းျပၿပီး အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားကို ဓနရွင္လူတန္းစား၏ အဆြယ္အပြားျပဳလုပ္ရန္ႀကိဳးစားေသာ စီပြားေရးပညာရွင္မ်ား၏ အေခ်ာင္သမား အေတြးအေခၚ၏ ရင္းျမစ္ကို ေဖၚထုတ္ျပသခဲ့သည္။
The debate of the Economists was followed by the emergence of the new opportunist trend of Menshivism against which Lenin had to wage a bitter battle from the time of the Second Party Congress in 1903. The struggle on the formulation of party rules was an important struggle at the Congress. While Martov, Axelrod, Trotsky and others were for a loose and amorphous party by arguing that party membership should be given to any one who accepts the party programme, and pays his or her financial obligations, although he or she is not willing to be a member of a party unit i.e. abiding the constitution and carrying out the responsibilities entrusted by the party. Lenin, in his famous work One Step Forward, Two Steps Backward written in 1904, thoroughly exposed the Menshevik principles of party organisation and laid the theoretical basis for the building of a revolutionary proletarian party. The organisational principles expounded in this work later became the organisational foundation of the Bolshevik Party and the parties of the new type.
စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္မ်ား၏ ေဆြးေႏြးျငင္းခုန္မႈေနာက္တြင္ မင္ရွီဗစ္ အေခ်ာင္သမား၀ါဒသစ္ေပၚေပါက္လာၿပီး လီနင္သည္ ၁၉၀၃ ခုႏွစ္တြင္က်င္းပသည့္ ဒုတိယကြန္ဂရက္မွ စတင္ၿပီး ထို အေခ်ာင္သမား၀ါဒကို ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည္။ ပါတီစည္းမ်ဥ္းမာ်း ခ်မွတ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲသည္ ထိုကြန္ဂရက္တြင္ အေရးပါေသာ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္သည္။ မာေတာ့၊ အက္ဆယ္ေရာ့ဒ္ ၊ ထေရာ့စကီးႏွင့္ အျခားသူမ်ားသည္ ပါတီအစီအစဥ္ကို လက္ခံၿပီး ၄င္းတို႕၏ ဘာ႑ာေရးရာတာ၀န္ကို ေပးဆပ္ေသာ မည္သူမဆိုကို ၄င္းတို႔သည္ ပါတီယူနစ္တခု အဖြဲ႕၀င္ မျဖစ္လိုေသာ္လည္း ပါတီဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံကို လိုက္နာၿပီး ပါတီကေပးအပ္ေသာ တာ၀န္ကို ထမ္းေဆာင္လွ်င္ ပါတီ၀င္အျဖစ္သတ္မွတ္သင့္သည္ဟု ေဆြးေႏြးၿပီး ေရာ့တိေရာ့ရဲ ခိုင္မာမႈမရွိေသာ ပါတီကို ေထာက္ခံၾကသည္။ လီနင္က ၁၉၀၄ တြင္ေရးသားၿပီး ေက်ာ္ၾကားလွေသာ ေရွ႕တလွမ္းတိုး ေနာက္ႏွစ္လမ္းဆုတ္ စာတမ္းတြင္ မင္ရွီဗစ္ပါတီ တည္ေဆာက္ပုံမူမ်ားကို အေသးစိတ္ဖြင့္ခ်ၿပီး ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ပါတီ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးအတြက္ သေဘာတရားေရးရာ အေျခခံမ်ားကို ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည္။ သူ၏ ထိုစာတမ္းတြင္ ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပခဲ့ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆိုင္ရာ မူမ်ားသည္ ေနာင္တြင္ ေဗာ္လ္ရွီဗစ္ပါတီႏွင့္ ပုံစသစ္ပါတီမ်ား၏ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆိုင္ရာ အုတ္ျမစ္မ်ားျဖစ္လာသည္။
Democratic Centralism
The organisational structure of the Communist Party is built on the principles of democratic centralism. Lenin explained the theoretical basis for this understanding in the following manner:
“We have already more than once enunciated our theoretical views on the importance of discipline and how this concept is to be understood in the party of the working class. We defined it as unity of action, freedom of discussion and criticism. Only such discipline is worthy of the democratic party of the advanced class. The strength of the working class lies in organisation. Unless the masses are organised, the proletariat is nothing. Organisation – it is everything. Organisation means unity of action, unity in practical operations... Therefore the proletariat does not recognise unity of action without freedom to discuss and criticise.” 165
ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ
ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ၏ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း တည္ေဆာက္ပုံသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမူမ်ားအေပၚတြင္ အေျခခံသည္။ ထို နားလည္မႈအတြက္ သေဘာတရားေရးရာအေျခခံကို လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။
"စည္းမ်ဥ္ဒ၏ အေရးပါမႈႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ အယူအဆကို အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီအတြင္း မည္သို႕နားလည္သည္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ မိမိတို႔၏ အျမင္ကို ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္မွာ တႀကိမ္မကေပ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈကို မိမိတို႔က လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား၏ ညီညြတ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးေ၀ဖန္မႈလြတ္လပ္မႈအျဖစ္ အဓိပၸါယ္ ဖြင့္ဆိုသည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ေသာ စည္းမ်ဥ္းတိုးတက္ေသာလူတန္းစား ဒီမိုကေရစီပါတီႏွင့္ ထုိက္တန္သည္။ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား၏ အင္အားသည္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတြင္ရွိသည္။ လူထုမ်ားသည္ စုစည္းမႈမရွိလွ်င္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားသည္ မည္သည္မွ် မဟုတ္ေတာ့ေပ။ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းသည္ အရာရာျဖစ္သည္။ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းသည္ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား၏ ညီညြတ္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ ညီညြတ္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားသည္ လြတ္လပ္စြာေဆြးေႏြးေ၀ဖန္ခြင့္ မပါသည့္ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားညီညြတ္ျခငး္ကို အသိအမွတ္မျပဴေပ။" ၁၆၅ Thus when Lenin, in 1920, drafted the conditions of admission to the Third International, he included the condition that, “Parties belonging to the Communist International must be based on the principle of democratic centralism.”166
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ လီနင္က ၁၉၂၀ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တတိယအင္တာေနရွင္နယ္သို႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္စည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ားကို မူၾကမ္းေရးဆြဲေသာအခါ ေအာက္ပါစည္းကမ္းခ်က္ကို ထည့္သြင္းထားသည္။ "ကြန္ျမဴနစ္အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ျဖစ္ေသာ ပါတီမ်ားသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမူ အေပၚအေျခခံရမည္။" ၁၆၆
In 1921, the Third Congress in its theses on the organisation and structure of the Communist Party, explained democratic centralism as follows:
“Democratic centralisation in the Communist Party organisation must be a real synthesis, a fusion of centralism and proletarian democracy. This fusion can be achieved only on the basis of constant activity, constant common struggle of the entire Party organisation. Centralisation in the Communist Party organisation does not mean formal and mechanical centralisation but a centralisation of Communist activities, that is to say, the formation of a strong leadership, ready for war and at the same time capable of adaptability.
၁၉၂၁ ခုႏွစ္ တတိယ ကြန္ဂရက္ သည္ ၄င္း၏ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ၏ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းႏွင့္ တည္ေဆာက္ပုံဆိုင္ရာ စာတမ္းမ်ားတြင္ ဒီမိုကေရဒီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေဖၚျပသည္။
"ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈသည္ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ေပါင္းစပ္မႈ၊ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေပါင္းစပ္မႈျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုေပါင္းစပ္မႈကို အၿမဲတေစ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၊ ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတခုလုံး၏ အၿမဲတေစ ဘုံတိုက္ပြဲအေျခခံျဖင့္သာလွ်င္ ရရွိႏိုင္သည္။ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ ဗဟို အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္း ဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈသည္ လက္ေတြ႕မက်သည့္ စက္ယႏၱရားဆန္ဆန္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမဟုတ္ဘဲ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားကို ဗဟိုစုစည္းခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္တိုက္ရန္ အဆင္သင့္ရွိၿပီး တခ်ိန္တည္းတြင္ လိုသလို ေျပာင္းလဲႏိုင္စြမ္းရွိေသာ ခိုင္မာသည့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။
“In the organisation of the old, non-revolutionary labour movement, there has developed an allpervading dualism of the same nature as that of the bourgeois state, namely, the dualism between the bureaucracy and the ‘people’. Under this baneful influence of bourgeois environment there has developed a separation of functions, a substitution of barren formal democracy for the living association of common endeavour and the splitting up of the organisation into active functionaries and passive masses. Even the revolutionary labour movement inevitably inherits this tendency to dualism and formalism to a certain extent from the bourgeois environment.
ပုံစံေဟာင္း မေတာ္လွန္ေသာ အလုပ္သမားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား၏ ဖြဲ႕စည္းမႈတြင္ ဓနရွင္ နုိင္ငံေတာ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈႏွင့္ သေဘာသဘာ၀တူေသာ နယ္ပယ္အားလုံးတြင္ ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႕ေနသည့္ ဗ်ဴရိုကေေရစီႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ ဒြန္တြဲေနသည့္ ဒြန္တြဲ၀ါဒ ရွိသည္။ ဓနရွင္ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္၏ ဆိုးရြားေသာ ၾသဇာသက္ေရာက္မႈေအာက္တြင္ လုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာမ်ား ခြဲျခားျခင္း၊ အႏွစ္သာရကင္းမဲ့ေသာ အေပၚယံ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို ဘုံအျပဳအမူမ်ား ရွင္သန္စြာ ေပါင္းစည္းျခင္းေနရာတြင္ အစားထိုးျခင္းႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို တက္ၾကြေသာ တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားႏွင့္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကင္းမဲ့ေသာ လူထုကို ခြဲျခားျခင္းတုိ႕ ျဖစ္သည္။ ေတာ္လွန္ေသာ အလုပ္သမား လႈပ္ရွားမႈသည္ပင္ ဓနရွင္ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္မွ ဒြန္တြဲ၀ါဒႏွင့္ အေပၚယံ၀ါဒကို တစုံတရာေသာ အတိုင္းအတာအထိ အေမြရသည္။
“The Communist Party must fundamentally overcome these contrasts by systematic and persevering political and organising work and by constant improvement and revision.
“..... Centralisation should not merely exist on paper. But be actually carried out, and this is possible of achievement only when the members at large will feel this authority as a fundamentally efficient instrument in their common activity and struggle. Otherwise, it will appear to’ the masses as
a bureaucracy within the Party and, therefore, likely to stimulate opposition to all centralisation, to all leadership, to all stringent discipline. Anarchism is the opposite pole of bureaucracy.
"ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီသည္ ထိုသို႕ေသာ အားၿပိဳင္မႈမ်ားကို စနစ္က်က် ဇြဲရွိေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးႏွင့္ စည္းရုံးေရးလုပ္ငန္းျဖင့္၊ အၿမဲတိုးကတက္ေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ျပင္ဆင္ျခင္းျဖင့္ ထိုု အားၿပိဳင္မႈမ်ားကို ေက်ာ္လႊားရမည္။
" ဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ျခင္းသည္ စာရြက္ေပၚတြင္သာ မရွိသင့္ေပ။ လက္ေတြ႕ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး က်ယ္ျပန္႕ေသာအဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားသည္ ၄င္းတုိ႕၏ ဘုံလႈပ္ရွားမႈႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ ထိေရာက္ေသာ ကိရိယာအျဖစ္ ထိုလုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ကို ခံစားမွသာ ထိုကိစၥသည္ ေအာင္ျမင္ရန္ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ထိုသို႔မဟုတ္ပါက ၄င္းသည္ လူထုမ်ား၏ အျမင္တြင္ ပါတီတြင္း ဗ်ဴရိုကေရစီ တခုအျဖစ္သာ ျမင္ႏိုင္ၿပီး ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ပင္ ဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈဆန္႕က်င္ျခင္း၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈအားလုံးကို ဆန္႕က်င္ျခင္း၊ တင္းက်ပ္ေသာ စည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ားကို ဆန္႕က်င္ျခင္းတို႔ကို လႈံ႕ေဆာ္လာႏိုင္သည္။ မင္းမဲ့၀ါဒသည္ ဗ်ဴရုိကေရစီဒ ဆန္႔က်င္ဖက္ျဖစ္သည္။ “Merely formal democracy in the organisation cannot remove either bureaucratic or anarchical tendencies, which have found fertile soil on the basis of just that democracy. Therefore, the centralisation of the organisation, i.e., the aim to create a strong leadership, cannot be successful if its achievement is sought on the basis of formal democracy. The necessary preliminary conditions are the development and maintenance of living associations and mutual relations within the Party between the directing organs and members, as well between the Party and the masses of the proletariat outside the Party.”167
"အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္း အေပၚယံ ဒီမိုကေရစီသည္ ထိုဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျခခံတြင္ ေပါက္ဖြားရန္ ေျမၾသဇာေကာင္းေသာ ေျမေတြ႕ေနသည့္ ဗ်ိဳရိုကေရစီကို ျဖစ္ေစ မင္းမဲ့ သေဘာသဘာ၀မ်ားကိုျဖစ္ေစ ဖယ္ရွားႏိုင္ျခင္းမရွိေပ။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ အေပၚယံဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျခခံေပၚတြင္ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈကို ရွာေဖြပါက အဖြဲ႕အစည္း၏ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈျဖစ္သည့္ ခိုင္မာေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈဖန္တီးရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ မေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္ေပ။ လိုအပ္ေသာ ပဏာမ အေျခအေနမ်ားမွာ ရွင္သန္ေသာ ေပါင္းစပ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ပါတီတြင္း ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားအၾကား၊ ပါတီႏွင့္ ပါတီျပင္ပမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူထုမ်ားအၾကား အျပန္အလွန္ ဆက္ဆံေရးကို ေဖၚထုတ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ထိန္းသိမ္းျခင္းတို႕ျဖစ္သည္။" ၁၆၇
Thus the Third International placed the greatest importance on real, and not formal democracy, as the basis for the correct implementation of democratic centralism. However in practice there were often serious deviations in many Communist Parties.
Thus the Third International placed the greatest importance on real, and not formal democracy, as the basis for the correct implementation of democratic centralism. However in practice there were often serious deviations in many Communist Parties.
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ တတိယ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္သည္ စစ္မွန္ေသာ အေပၚယံမဟုတ္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈကို မွန္ကန္စြာ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚေရးအတြက္ အေျခခံအျဖစ္ ႀကီးမားစြာ အေလးထားေဖၚျပခဲ့သည္။ သို႕ေသာ္ လက္ေတြ႕တြင္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီအမ်ားအျပားတြင္ ျပင္းထန္ေသာ ေသြဖီမႈမ်ား မၾကာခဏ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာခဲ့သည္။
Mao, while fighting against such deviations within the CPC, made a dialectical presentation of the understanding of democratic centralism, that was a significant contribution to the Marxist theory of organisational principles. In a talk given in 1962, Mao said:
Mao, while fighting against such deviations within the CPC, made a dialectical presentation of the understanding of democratic centralism, that was a significant contribution to the Marxist theory of organisational principles. In a talk given in 1962, Mao said:
“I said in 1957 that we should create ‘a political situation in which we have both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness.’ We should create such a political situation both inside and outside the Party. Otherwise it will be impossible to arouse the enthusiasm of the masses. We cannot overcome difficulties without democracy. Of course, it is even more impossible to do so without centralism. But if there’s no democracy there won’t be any centralism.
တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီအတြင္း ထိုသို႔ေသာ ေသြဖီမႈမ်ားကို တိုက္ထုတ္ရင္ ေမာ္ သည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈအေပၚ နားလည္မႈကို အႏုပဋိေလာမက်ေသာ တင္ျပမႈ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုတင္ျပခ်က္သည္ ေမာ္၏ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ သေဘာတရား၏ အဖြဲအစည္းဆိုင္ရာမူမ်ားသို႕ ႀကီးမားေသာ အက်ိဳးေဆာင္မႈျပဳခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္က ေဟာေျပာပို႕ခ်ခ်က္တခုတြင္ ေမာ္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာသည္။
"စိတ္ဆႏၵမ်ားညီညြတ္မႈရွိၿပီး ပုဂၢလိက စိတ္သက္ေသာင့္သက္သာျဖစ္မႈႏွင့္ ရွင္သန္မႈႏွစ္မ်ိဳးလုံးရွိေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနကို ဖန္တီးသင့္သည္ဟု ၁၉၅၇ ခုနွစ္က မိမိေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနကို ပါတီတြင္းတြင္သာမက ပါတီျပင္ပတြင္လည္း ဖန္တီးသင့္သည္ဟု မိမိေျပာခဲ့သည္။ ထိုသိုု႔မဟုတ္လွ်င္ လူထု၏ စိတ္ထက္သန္မႈကို ႏိႈးဆြရန္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မရွိဘဲ မိမိတို႕သည္ အခက္အခဲမ်ားကို ေက်ာ္လႊားနိုင္ျခင္းမရွိေပ။ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမရွိလွ်င္ ပိုပင္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မရွိလွ်င္ မည္သည့္ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမွ်မရွိႏိုင္ေပ။" “Without democracy there can’t be correct centralism because centralism can’t be established when people have divergent views and don’t have unity of understanding. What is meant by centralism? First, there must be concentration of correct ideas. Unity of understanding, of policy, plan, command and action is attained on the basis of concentrating correct ideas. This is unity through centralism. But if all those concerned are still not clear about the problems, if their opinions are still unexpressed or their anger is still not vented, how can you achieve this unity through centralism? Without democracy, it is impossible to surn up experience correctly. Without democracy, without ideas coming from the masses, it is impossible to formulate good lines, principles, policies or methods.
" ျပည္သူမ်ားတြင္ ကြဲျပားေသာ အျမင္မ်ားရွိေနၿပီး နားလည္မႈ ညီညြတ္ေရးမရွိလွ်င္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈကို မထူေထာင္ႏိုင္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မရွိလွ်င္ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ မရွိေပ။ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈဆိုသည္မွာ မည္သည္နည္း။ ပထမ အခ်က္အေနျဖင့္ မွန္ကန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား စုစည္းမႈရွိရမည္။ နားလည္မႈ၊ မူ၀ါဒ၊ စီမံကိန္း၊ ကြပ္ကဲမႈႏွင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္မ်ား ညီညြတ္မႈကို မွန္ကန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား စုစည္းမႈ အေျခခံတြင္ ရရွိႏိုင္သည္။ ၄င္းသည္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမွ တဆင့္ ညီညြတ္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ထိုျပႆနာမ်ားကို သက္ဆိုိင္သူမ်ားအားလုံးသည္ မရွင္းမလင္းျဖစ္ေနေသးလွ်င္၊ ၄င္းတို႕၏ ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္မ်ားကို မထုတ္ေဖၚရေသးလွ်င္ သို႔မဟုတ္ ေဒါသမ်ားကို မေဖါက္ထုတ္ရေသးလွ်င္ ထိုညီညြတ္မႈကို ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမွတဆင့္ မည္သို႔ ရယူႏိုင္မည္နည္း။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မရွိလွ်င္ အေတြ႕အႀကံဳမ်ားကို မွန္ကန္စြာ အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီမရွိလွ်င္၊ လူထုမ်ားထံမွလာေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမရွိလွ်င္ ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ လမ္းေၾကာင္း၊ သေဘာတရား၊ မူ၀ါဒနွင့္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို ေဖၚထုတ္ရန္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။"
“Our centralism is centralism built on the foundation of democracy. Proletarian centralism is centralism with a broad democratic base. The Party committees at all levels are the organs which exercise centralised leadership. But leadership by the Party committee means collective, leadership, not arbitrary decision by the first secretary alone. Within Party committees, democratic centralism alone should be practised. The relationship between the first secretary and the other secretaries and committee members is one of the minority being subordinate to the majority.
" မိမိတုိ႔၏ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အုတ္ျမစ္တြင္ တည္ေဆာက္ေသာ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈျဖစ္သည္။ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈသည္ က်ယ္ျပန္႕ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျခခံႏွင့္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆင့္အသီးသီးရွိ ပါတီေကာ္မတီမ်ားသည္ ဗဟို စုစည္းထားသည့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈကို က်င့္သုံးေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ပါတီေကာ္မတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ဆိုသည္မွာ စုေပါင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈျဖစ္ၿပီး ပထမအတြင္းေရးမွဴး တဦးတည္း၏ အျငင္းပြားဖြယ္ရာ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ပါတီေကာ္မတီမ်ားအတြင္းတြင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈကိုတခုတည္းကိုသာ က်င့္သုံးသင့္သည္။ ပထမ အတြင္းေရးမွဴးႏွင့္ အျခားအတြင္းေရးမွဴးမ်ားႏွင့္ ေကာ္မတီ၀င္မ်ားအၾကားဆက္ဆံေရးသည္ အမ်ားစုကို အနည္းစုကလိုက္နာေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးျဖစ္သည္။
Take the Standing committee or the Political Bureau of the Central Committee by way of example. It often happens that when I say something, regardless of whether it is correct or incorrect, if the others don’t agree, I must accede to their opinion because they are the majority... “Unless we fully promote people’s democracy and inner-Party democracy and unless we fully implement proletarian democracy, it will be impossible for China to have true proletarian centralism. Without a high degree of democracy it is impossible to have a high degree of centralism and without a high degree of centralism it is impossible to establish a socialist economy. And what will happen to our country if we fail to establish a socialist economy? It will turn into a revisionist state, indeed a bourgeois state, and the dictatorship of the proletariat will turn into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and a reactionary, fascist dictatorship at that. This is a question which very much deserves our vigilance and I hope our comrades will give it a good deal of thought.
Take the Standing committee or the Political Bureau of the Central Committee by way of example. It often happens that when I say something, regardless of whether it is correct or incorrect, if the others don’t agree, I must accede to their opinion because they are the majority... “Unless we fully promote people’s democracy and inner-Party democracy and unless we fully implement proletarian democracy, it will be impossible for China to have true proletarian centralism. Without a high degree of democracy it is impossible to have a high degree of centralism and without a high degree of centralism it is impossible to establish a socialist economy. And what will happen to our country if we fail to establish a socialist economy? It will turn into a revisionist state, indeed a bourgeois state, and the dictatorship of the proletariat will turn into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and a reactionary, fascist dictatorship at that. This is a question which very much deserves our vigilance and I hope our comrades will give it a good deal of thought.
အၿမဲတမ္းေကာ္မတီ သို႔မဟုတ္ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဦးေဆာင္အဖြဲ႕ကို ဥပမာအားျဖင့္ၾကည့္ပါ။ မွန္မွန္၊ မွားမွား က်ေနာ္တခုခုေျပာလိုက္တဲ့အခါ တျခားသူေတြက သေဘာမတူရင္ သူတို႔က အမ်ားစုျဖစ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္က သူတို႔ရဲ႕ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ကို က်ေနာ္လက္ခံရမယ္။ "ျပည္သူ႔ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔ ပါတီတြင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ အျပည့္အ၀ အားမေပးရင္၊ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ဒီမိုကေရစီကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ အျပည့္အ၀ အေကာင္အထည္မေဖၚရင္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံမွာ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ ရွိဖို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ အဆင့္ျမင့္မားတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ မရွိရင္ အဆင့္ျမင့္မားတဲ့ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈရဖို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ အဆင့္ျမင့္မားတဲ့ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမရွိရင္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ စီးပြားေရးထူေထာင္ဖို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စီးပြားေရး မထူေထာင္ႏိုင္ရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံဘာျဖစ္သြားမလဲ။ ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ေရးႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၊ တကယ့္ ဓနရွင္ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ျဖစ္သြားၿပီး ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ဟာလည္း ဓနရွင္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၊ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ဖက္ဆစ္အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ျဖစ္သြားမွာပဲ။ ဒါဟာက်ေနာ္တို႕ရဲ႕ႏိုးၾကားမႈမ်ားစြာထုိက္တန္တဲ့ ျပႆနာျဖစ္ၿပီး က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ရ႕ေဘာ္ေတြဟာ ဒီျပႆနာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္းစဥ္းစားလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။
“Without democratic centralism, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be consolidated. To practise democracy among the people and to exercise dictatorship over the enemies of the people
“Without democratic centralism, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be consolidated. To practise democracy among the people and to exercise dictatorship over the enemies of the people
these two aspects are not to be separated.... Without broad democracy for the people, it is impossible for the dictatorship of the proletariat to be consolidated or for political power to be stable. Without democracy, without arousing the masses and without supervision by the masses, it is impossible to: exercise effective dictatorship over the reactionaries and bad elements or to remould them effectively; they will continue to make trouble and may stage a comeback. We must be vigilant on this question and I hope comrades will give it a good deal of thought too.”168
" ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈမရွိရင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို က်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းေအာင္လုပ္လို႔မရဘူး။ ျပည္သူေတြၾကားမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ က်င့္သုံးဖို႔နဲ႔ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ရန္သူေတြအေပၚမွာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က်င့္သုံးဖို႕ ဒီသြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာႏွစ္ခု (ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ) ကို ခြဲျခားလို႔မရဘူး။ ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ က်ယ္ျပန္ပတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီမရွိရင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို က်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႔မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာ တည္ၿငိမ္ေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႕မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဒီမိုကေရစီမရွိဘဲ၊ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ႏိႈးေဆာင္ျခင္းမရွိဘဲ၊ လူထုကို ႀကီးၾကပ္ျခင္းမရွိဘဲ၊တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားေတြနဲ႕ မေကာင္းတဲ့ အစိတ္အပိုင္းေတြအေပၚမွာ ထိုေရာက္တဲ့အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က်င့္သုံးဖို႔၊ သူတို႔ကို ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ ျပန္လည္ပုံသြင္းဖို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ သူတို႔က ဒုကၡေတြ ဆက္ေပးၿပီး ျပန္လည္ေခါင္းေထာင္လာႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒီျပႆနာနဲ႕ပတ္သက္ၿပီး က်ေနာ္တိုု႕ႏိုးၾကားရမယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြ ဒီျပႆနာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္းစဥ္းစားၾကမယ္လို႔က်ေနာ္ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တယ္။"၁၆၈
Thus in the dialectical relationship between democracy and centralism, Mao showed that the correct method was ‘first democracy, then centralism’. He also showed the crucial importance of democratic centralism both inside and outside the party. He showed how correct democratic centralism was essential for the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and, therefore, the establishment of socialism and the prevention of the restoration of capitalism.
Thus in the dialectical relationship between democracy and centralism, Mao showed that the correct method was ‘first democracy, then centralism’. He also showed the crucial importance of democratic centralism both inside and outside the party. He showed how correct democratic centralism was essential for the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and, therefore, the establishment of socialism and the prevention of the restoration of capitalism.
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈအၾကား အႏုပဋိေလာမဆက္ဆံေရး ေမာ္ က ဒီမိုကေရစီပထမဦးစားေပးၿပီးေနာက္ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ နည္းလမ္းသည္ မွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္းျပခဲ့သည္။ သူသည္ ပါတီတြင္းႏွင့္ ပါတီပ ႏွစ္ခုစလုံးတြင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ၏ လြန္စြာအေရးပါမႈကိုလည္း ျပသခဲ့သည္။ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈသည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ က်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းေရး ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စနစ္ထူေထာင္ေရးႏွင့္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ျပန္လည္အသက္သြင္းမႈ တားဆီးေရးအတြက္ မည္မွ်အေရးပါေၾကာင္းကိုလည္း ျပသခဲ့သည္။
Mass-line
Marxism has always stressed the absolute necessity of the Party’s close links with the masses. This was stressed by Marx and Engels and one of the essential features of the Leninist party. Thus the History of the CPSU (B) concludes by drawing a historic lesson of the utmost need for close connections with the masses: “Lastly, the history of the Party teaches us that unless it has wide connections with the masses, unless it constantly strengthens these connections, unless it knows how to hearken to the voice of the masses and understand their urgent needs; unless it is prepared not only to teach the masses but to learn from the masses, a party of the working class cannot be a real mass party capable of leading the working class millions and all the labouring people.
လူထုလမ္းေၾကာင္း
ပါတီႏွင့္ လူထုမ်ားအၾကား နီးကပ္ေသာ ဆက္စပ္မႈ လုံး၀လိုအပ္ျခင္းကို မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒက အၿမဲအေလးထားသည္။ ထိုအခ်က္ကို မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တုိ႕က အေလးထားခဲ့ၿပီး ၄င္းသည္ လီနင္၀ါဒ ပါတီ၏ အေရးပါေသာ သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာမ်ားအနက္ တခုျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ဆိုဗီယက္ယူနီယံ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီသမိုင္း( ေဗာ္လ္ရွီဗစ္) သည္ လူထုႏွင့္နီးကပ္ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးုလုံး၀လုိအပ္ေၾကာင္း သမိုင္း၀င္ သင္ခန္းစာကို ဆြဲယူၿပီး ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့သည္။ "ေနာက္ဆုံးအခ်က္မွာ ပါတီသည္ လူထုမ်ားႏွင့္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာ ဆက္စပ္မႈမရွိလွ်င္၊ ထုိဆက္စပ္မႈမ်ားကို ခိုင္မာေအာင္ ပုံမွန္ျပဳလုုပ္ျခင္းမရွိလွ်င္၊ လူထု၏ အသံကို မည္သို႔နားေထာင္မည္ႏွင့္ ၄င္းတို႕၏ အေရးေပၚလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို နားမလည္လွ်င္၊ လူထုကို သင္ၾကားေပးရန္သာမက လူထုထံမွ သင္ယူရန္ ျပင္ဆင္မထားလွ်င္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားပါတီတခုသည္ သန္းႏွ္င့္ခ်ီေသာ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစာမ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္သူမ်ားအားလုံးကို ဦးေဆာင္ႏိုင္ေသာ စစ္မွန္သည့္ ျပည္သူ႕ပါတီ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။
“A party is invincible if it is able, as Lenin says, ‘to link itself with, to keep in close touch with, and to a certain extent if you like, to merge with the broadest masses of the toilers, primarily with the proletariat, but also with the non-proletarian toiling masses.’ (Lenin, Collected Works, Russ, ed., Vol. XXV, p. 174.)
“A party perishes if it shuts itself up in its narrow party shell, if it severs itself from the masses, if it allows itself to be covered with bureaucratic rust.
"လီနင္ေျပာသည့္အတိုင္းဆိုရပါက ပါတီတခုသည္ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားသာမက ပစၥည္းမဲ့မဟုတ္ေသာ အလုပ္လုပ္သူလူထုမ်ားအပါအ၀င္ အက်ယ္ျပန္႔ဆုံး လူထုႏွင့္ ၄င္းကို၄င္းခ်ိတ္ဆက္ထားလွ်င္၊ နီးကပ္ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးရွိလွ်င္၊ တစုံတရာေသာ အတိုင္းအတာအထိ ေပါင္းစည္းလွ်င္ ေျခမႈန္းခံရမည္မဟုတ္ေပ။" (လီနင္ စာေပးေပါင္းခ်ဳပ္၊ အတြဲ ၂၄၊ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၁၇၄)
"ပါတီတခုသည္ ၄င္း၏ က်ဥ္းေျမာင္းလွေသာ ပါတီဥခြံတြင္းတြင္မိမိကိုယ္မိမိပိတ္ထားၿပီး လူထုႏွင့္မိမိဘာသာ အဆက္ျဖတ္ထားလွ်င္၊ ဗ်ဴရိုကေရစီ အညစ္အေၾကးမ်ား မိမိကိုယ္မိမိ ဖုံးလႊမ္းခြင့္ျပဳလွ်င္ ၿပိဳကြဲပ်က္စီးသည္။
“ ‘We must take it as the rule,’ Comrade Stalin says, ‘that as long as the Bolsheviks maintain connection with the broad masses of the people they will be invincible. And, on the contrary, as soon as the Bolsheviks sever themselves from the masses and lose their connection with them, as soon as they become covered with bureaucratic rust, they will lose all their strength and become a mere cipher....
ရဲေဘာ္ စတာလင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာသည္။ " ေဗာ္လ္ရွီွဗစ္တို႕သည္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာလူထုႏွင့္ ထိေတြ႕ေနသမွ်ကာလပတ္လုံး ၄င္းတို႕ကို ေျခမႈန္းမရဟူသည့္ ထိုအခ်က္ကို မိမိတို႕အေနျဖင့္ စည္းမ်ဥ္းအျဖစ္မွတ္ယူရမည္။ ထိုေနာက္ အျခားတဖက္တြင္လည္း ေဗာ္လ္ရွီဗစ္တို႕သည္ လူထုႏွင့္၄င္းတို႔ဘာသာ အဆက္ျဖတ္ၿပီး အဆက္အသြယ္ျပတ္သြားသည္ႏွင့္ တၿပိဳင္နက္၊ ဗ်ဴရိုကေရစီ အညစ္အေၾကးမ်ားဖုံးလႊမ္းသြားသည္ႏွင့္ တၿပိဳင္နက္ အင္အားဆုံးရႈံးၿပီး အေရးမပါသူျဖစ္သြားမည္။" “‘I think that the Bolsheviks remind us of the hero of Greek mythology, Antaeus. They, like Antaeus, are strong because they maintain connection with their mother, the masses, who gave birth to them, suckled them and reared them. And as long as they maintain connection with their mother, with the people, they have every chance of remaining invincible. “
"ေဗာ္လ္ရွီဗစ္ေတြက က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို အန္ေတးအပ္စ္ ဂရိသူရဲေကာင္း ဒ႑ာရီကို ျပန္လည္ သတိေပးခဲ့တယ္လို႔က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္။ သူတို႔ေတြက အန္ေတးအပ္စ္လိုပဲ သူတို႕ကိုေမြးဖြား၊ ႏို႔ခ်ိဳတုိက္ေကၽြး၊ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္တဲ့ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕မိခင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ လူထုနဲ႕ အဆက္မျပတ္တဲ့ သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ သူတို႔ဟာ သူတို႔မိခင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေနသမွ် သူတို႕ကို ေျခမႈန္းလို႔မရေစတဲ့ အခြင့္အလမ္းအားလုံးရွိေနတယ္။"
‘That is the clue to the invincibility of Bolshevik leadership.’ (J. Stalin, Defects in Party Work.)”169
"ဒါဟာ ေဗာ္လ္ရွီဗစ္ဦးေဆာင္မႈ ကို ေျခမႈန္းမရျခင္းရဲ႕ သဲလြန္စပဲျဖစ္တယ္။" ( ေဂ် စတာလင္။ ပါတီလုပ္ငန္းခ်ိဳ႕ယြင္းခ်က္။ )၁၆၉
Mao, starting from these basic standpoints, developed the concept of mass-line to a qualitatively new level. At the philosophical level he showed how it was an essential aspect of the Marxist theory of knowledge. At the political and organisational levels, he showed how it was the correct political line and also how it was the essential organisational line of inner-party relations.
ထိုအေျခခံ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္မ်ားမွစတင္ၿပီး ေမာ္ သည္ လူထုလမ္းေၾကာင္းအယူအဆကို အရည္အေသြးအရ အဆင့္သစ္သို႔ ျမွင့္တင္ခဲ့သည္။ အဘိဓမၼာအဆင့္တြင္ လူထုလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ မာက္စ္၀ါဒ သိမႈေဗဒသေဘာတရားတြင္ မည္ကဲ့သို႔ အႏွစ္သာရက်ေသာ သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာျဖစ္သည္ကို ျပသခဲ့သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအဆင့္တြင္ လူထုလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ မည္ကဲ့သို႔ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းျဖစ္သည္ႏွင့္ ပါတီတြင္းဆက္ဆံေရးမ်ားတြင္ အဓိကက်ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆိုင္ရာလမ္းေၾကာင္းျဖစ္သည္ကို ျပသခဲ့သည္။
“In all the practical work of our Party, all correct leadership is necessarily ‘from the masses, to the masses’. This means: take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in such action. Then
“In all the practical work of our Party, all correct leadership is necessarily ‘from the masses, to the masses’. This means: take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in such action. Then
once again concentrate ideas from the masses and once again go to the masses so that the ideas are persevered and carried through. And so on, over and over again in an endless spiral, with the ideas becoming more correct, more vital and richer each time. Such is the Marxist theory of knowledge.”170
"မိမိတို႔ပါတီ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအားလုံးတြင္ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈအားလုံးသည္ လူထုထံမွ၊လူထုထံသို႔ျဖစ္ရန္ လိုသည္။ ဆိုလိုသည္မွာ လူထုထံမွ အေတြးအေခၚ (စနစ္မက်ျပန္႔က်ဲေနေသာ) မ်ားကိုယူၿပီး စုစည္းကာ ေလ့လာၿပီး စုစည္းကာ စနစ္က်ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားျဖစ္ေအာင္ ေျပာင္းလဲပစ္ရမည္။ ထုိေနာက္ လူထုထံသြားေရာက္ၿပီး လူထုက ထိုအေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို ၄င္းတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္လက္ခံ အခိုင္အမာယုံၾကည္စြဲၿမဲၿပီး လက္ေတြ႕အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚသည္အထိဈ ထိုအေတြးအေခၚမ်ား၏ မွန္ကန္မႈမကို ထိုသို႔ေသာ လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ားတြင္ စမ္းသပ္သည္အထိ ျဖန္႔ခ်ိရွင္းျပရမည္။ ထိုေနာက္တဖန္လူထုထံမွ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို ထပ္မံစုစည္းၿပီး ထိုအေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို ထိန္းသိမ္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေအာင္ လူထုထံ ျပန္လည္သြားေရာက္ရမည္။ စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ ထိုသို႔ အဆုံးမရွိေသာ ေၾကာင္လိမ္ေလွခါးတြင္ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းျဖင့္ အႀကိမ္တိုင္းအႀကိမ္တိုင္းတြင္ ထို အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား ပိုမိုမွန္ကန္လာ၊ မိုမိုအဓိကက်လာ၊ ပိုမိုၾကြယ္၀လာသည္။ဤသည္မွာ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ၏ သိမႈေဗဒသေဘာတရားျဖစ္သည္။" ၁၇၀
The 1945 CPC Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party, explains:
“As Comrade Mao Tse-tung says, the correct line should be ‘from the masses, to the masses’. To ensure that the line really comes from the masses and particular that it really goes back to the masses, there must be close ties not only between the Party and the masses outside the Party (between the class and the people), but above all between the Party’s leading bodies and the masses within the Party (between the cadres and the rank and the file); in other words there must be a correct organisational line. Therefore, just as in each period of the Party’s history Comrade Mao Tse-tung has laid down a political line representing the , interests of the masses, so he has laid down an organisational line serving the political line and maintaining ties with the masses both inside and outside the Party.”171
မိမိတို႔ပါတီသမိုင္း၏ အခ်ိဳ႕ေသာ ျပႆနာမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ၁၉၄၅ ခုႏွစ္ တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္တြင္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းရွင္းျပထားသည္။
"ရဲေဘာ္ေမာ္စီတုန္းေျပာသည့္အတိုင္း မွန္ကန္ေသာလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ လူထုထံမွ၊ လူထုထံသို႕ျဖစ္သင့္သည္။ ထိုလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ လူထုထံမွလာေၾကာင္းေသခ်ာေစရန္အတြက္ အထူးသျဖင့္ ထိုလမ္းေၾကာင္းသည္ လူထုထံသို႕ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္ေရအတြက္ ပါတီႏွင့္ ပါတီျပင္ပမွ လူထုမ်ားအၾကား နီးကပ္ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရး (လူတန္စားႏွင့္ လူထုမ်ားအၾကား) သာမက ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ပါတီတြင္းရွိလူထုမ်ားအၾကား (ေကဒါမ်ားႏွင့္ သာမာန္ပါတီ၀င္မ်ားအၾကား) တြင္လည္း နီးကပ္ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးရွိရမည္။ တနည္းဆိုရပါက မွန္ကန္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းလမ္းေၾကာင္းရွိရမည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ပါတီသမိုင္း၏ ေခတ္ကာလတခုစီတြင္ ေမာ္သည္ လူထု၏ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းတခုခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သကဲ့သို႔ပင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို အေထာက္အကူျပဳေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆိုင္ရာလမ္းေၾကာင္းကိုခ်မွတ္ၿပီး ပါတီတြင္းႏွင့္ ပါတီျပင္ပမွ ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္ဆက္ဆံေရးကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားသည္။" ၁၇၁ “The concept of a correct relationship between the leading group and the masses in an organisation or in a struggle, the concept that correct ideas on the part of the leadership can only be ‘from the masses, to the masses’, and the concept that the general call must be combined with particular guidance when the leadership’s ideas are being put into practice - these concepts must be propagated everywhere - in order to correct the mistaken viewpoints among our cadres on these questions. Many comrades do not see the importance of, or are not good at, drawing together the activists to form a nucleus of leadership, and they do not see the importance of, or are not good at, linking this nucleus of leadership closely with the masses, and so their leadership become bureaucratic and divorced from the masses. Many comrades do not see the importance of, or are not good at, summing up the experience of mass struggles, but fancying themselves clever, are fond of voicing their subjectivist ideas, and so their ideas become empty and impractical. Many comrades rest content with making a general call with regard to a task and do not see the importance of, or are not good at, following it up immediately with a particular and concrete guidance, and so their call remains on their lips, or on paper or in the conference room, and their leadership become bureaucratic. .....we must correct these defects and learn to use the methods of combining the leadership with the particular in our study, in the check-up on work and in the examination of cadres’ histories; and we must also apply these methods in all our future work.
" ထိုျပႆနာမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မိမိတို႔ေကဒါမ်ားအၾကား မွားယြင္းေသာ အျမင္မ်ားကို ျပင္ဆင္ရန္အတြက္ ဦးေဆာင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအတြင္း သို႔မဟုတ္ တိုက္ပြဲတခု အတြင္းမွ လူထုမ်ားအၾကားမွန္ကန္ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရး အယူအဆ၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈပိုင္း၏ မွန္ကန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚသည္ လူထုထံမွ လူထုထံသို႔ ေပၚတြင္သာ မွီခိုနိုင္သည္ဟူေသာ အယူအဆ၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္း၏ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို လက္ေတြ႕အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚေသာအခါ ေယ်ဘုံယ်ေတာင္းဆိုမႈကို ဦးေဆာင္မႈျဖင့္ ေပါင္းစပ္ရမည္ဟူေသာ အယူအဆ၊ ထိုအယူအဆမ်ားကို ေနရတိုင္းတြင္ ျဖန္႔ခ်ိရမည္။ ရဲေဘာ္အမ်ားအျပားသည္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ညဴကလိယ ကိုဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားကို ဆြဲယူျခင္း၏ အေရးပါမႈကို မျမင္ၾက သို႔မဟုတ္ ေကာင္းစြာနားမလည္ႏိုင္ၾကေပ၊။ ၄င္းတို႔သည္ ထို ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ညဴကလီးယမ်ားႏွင့္ လူထုနီးကပ္စြာ ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ျခင္း၏ အေရးပါမႈကို မျမင္ၾက သို႔မဟုတ္ ေကာင္းစြာနားလည္ႏိုင္ျခင္းမရွိၾကေပ။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ၄င္းတို႕၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈသည္ ဗ်ဴရိုကရက္ဆန္လာၿပီး လူထုႏွင့္ကင္းကြာလာသည္။ ရဲေဘာ္အမ်ားအျပာသည္ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲအေတြ႕အႀကံဳကို ၿခံဳငုံသုံးသပ္ျခင္း၏ အေရးပါမႈကို နားမလည္ၾက သို႔မဟုတ္ ေကာင္းစြာနားလည္ျခင္းမရွိၾကဘဲ ၄င္းတို႕ကိုယ္၄င္းတို႔ေတာ္သည္ဟု ထင္ကာ ဆႏၵစြဲ မကင္းေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား ေဖၚထုတ္ျခင္းကို ႏွစ္ၿခိဳက္ၾကေသာေၾကာင့္ ၄င္းတို႕၏ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားသည္ အႏွစ္သာရကင္းမဲ့ၿပီးလက္ေတြ႕မက်ေပ။ ရဲေဘာ္အမ်ားအျပားသည္ တာ၀န္တခုႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ ေယဘုံယ်ေတာင္းဆိုမႈကို ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းျဖင့္သာေက်နပ္ေရာင့္ရဲေနၿပီး ၄င္းကို တိက်ခိုင္မာေသ လမ္းညြဳန္မႈျဖင့္ ခ်က္ျခင္းလုိက္ပါလုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္း၏ အေရးပါမႈကို မျမင္ သို႔မဟုတ္ မကၽႊမ္းက်င္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ ေတာင္းဆိုမႈသည္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ႏႈတ္ဖ်ားတြင္ သို႔မဟုတ္ စာရြက္ေပၚတြင္ သို႔မဟုတ္ အစည္းေ၀းခန္းမအတြင္းတြင္ သာရွိေနၿပီး ၄င္းတို႔၏ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈသည္လည္း ဗ်ဴရိုကေရစီ ဆန္လာသည္။ ထိုခ်ိဳ႕ယြင္းခ်က္မ်ားကို မိမိတို႔ျပင္ဆင္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး အထူးသျဖင့္ မိမိတို႔၏ လုပ္ငန္းေလ့လာေရး၊ စစ္ေဆးေရး ေကဒါမ်ား၏ သမုိင္းကို စစ္ေဆးျခင္းတုိ႔ကို ေခါင္းေဆင္မႈႏွင့္ ေပါင္းစပ္သည့္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို ေလ့လာရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိတို႔၏ အနာဂါတ္လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအားလုံးတြင္လည္း ထိုနည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို အသုံးျပဳရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
“Take the ideas of the masses and concentrate them, then go to the masses, persevere in the ideas and carry them through, so as to form correct ideas of leadership – such is the basic method of leadership.”170 Briefly, this is the essence of Mao’s mass-line.
"လူထုအေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို ယူၿပီး ၄င္းတို႔ကို စုစည္းကာ လူထုထံသို႔ျပန္လည္သြားေရာက္၊ ထိုအေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို ထိန္းသိမ္းကာ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ အေတြးအေခၚဖြဲ႕စည္းေအာင္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၄င္းသည္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ အေျခခံနည္းလမ္း၊ အက်ဥ္းအားျဖင့္ဆိုရပါက ေမာ္၏ လူထုလမ္းေၾကာင္း၏ အႏွစ္သာရျဖစ္ေပသည္။
Two-Line Struggle
This is another aspect of the Party, regarding which Mao greatly developed Marxist understanding and theory.
The essence of Mao’s understanding followed from Leninist understanding of the unity of will of the Party. Stalin presented this understanding as follows:
“.... iron discipline in the Party is inconceivable without unity of will, without complete and absolute unity of action on the part of all members of the Party. This does not mean, of course, that the possibility of conflicts of opinion within the Party is thereby precluded. On the contrary, iron discipline does not preclude but presupposes criticism and conflict of opinion within the Party...... But after a conflict of opinion has been closed, after criticism has been exhausted and a decision has been arrived at, unity of will and unity of action of all Party members are the necessary conditions without which neither Party unity nor iron discipline in the Party is conceivable.:..
လမ္းေၾကာင္းႏွစ္ခုတိုက္ပြဲ
၄င္းသည္ ပါတီ၏ အျခားေသာသြင္ျပင္တခုျဖစ္ၿပီး ေမာ္သည္ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒနားလည္မႈႏွင့္ သေဘာတရားအႀကီးအက်ယ္တိုးတက္ေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္။
ေမာ္၏နားလည္မႈ အႏွစ္သာရသည္ ပါတီဆႏၵမ်ားညီညြတ္မႈဆိုင္ရာ လီနင္စနစ္၏ နားလည္မႈကို အေျခခံသည္။ ထိုနားလည္မႈကို စတာလင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။
"ပါတီ၏ သံမဏိ စည္းမ်ည္းသည္ ဆႏၵမ်ား၏ ညီညြတ္မႈ၊ ပါတီ၀င္မ်ားအားလုံးဖက္မွ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား၏ လုံး၀ ၿပီးျပည့္စုံေသာ ညီညြတ္မႈမရွိလွ်င္ မေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္ေပ။ ထိုသို႕ဆိုေသာေၾကာင့္ ပါတီတြင္းထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္ပဋိပကၡမ်ားျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေျခကို တားဆီးပိတ္ပင္သည္ဟု မဆိုလိုေပ။ သံမဏိ စည္းမ်ည္း ေ၀ဖန္မႈႏွင့္ ပါတီတြင္ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္မ်ား ပဋိပကၡမ်ားကို မတားဆီးဘဲ လက္ခံသည္။ သို႕ေသာ္ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္မ်ာ်း ပဋိပကၡကို နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္ၿပီးေသာအခါ၊ ေ၀ဖန္မႈမ်ား ၿပီးဆုံးသြားေသာအခါ၊ ဆုံျဖတ္ခ်က္တခုကိုခ်မွတ္ၿပီးသြားေသာအခါတြင္မူ ပါတီ၀င္အားလုံး၏ ဆႏၵႏွင့္လုပ္ရပ္ညီညြတ္မႈသည္ ပါတီတြင္းညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္ ပါတီ၏ သံမဏိစည္းမ်ည္း ေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ မရွိမျဖစ္လိုအပ္ေသာ အေျခအေနျဖစ္သည္။
“… from this it follows that the existence of factions is compatible neither with the Party’s unity nor with its iron discipline.”172
"ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဂိုဏ္းအုပ္စုမ်ားတည္ရွိျခင္းသည္ ပါတီ၏ ညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္သာမက ပါတီ၏ သံမဏိ စည္းမ်ည္းႏွင့္ပါ လိုက္ေလွ်ာညီေထြမရွိဟု ျဖစ္ေပၚလာသည္။" ၁၇၂
Mao totally agreed with the incompatibility of factions in a proletarian party. However he presented the question in a different manner. In 1937, Mao wrote:
Mao totally agreed with the incompatibility of factions in a proletarian party. However he presented the question in a different manner. In 1937, Mao wrote:
“... as long as classes exist, contradictions between correct and incorrect ideas in the Communist Party are reflections within the Party of class contradictions. At first, with regard to certain issues, such contradictions may not manifest themselves as antagonistic. But with the development of the class struggle, they may grow and become antagonistic. The history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union shows us that the contradictions between the correct thinking of Lenin and Stalin and the fallacious thinking of Trotsky, Bukharin and others did, not at first manifest themselves in an antagonistic form, but that later they did develop into antagonism. There are similar cases in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. At first the contradictions between the correct thinking of many of our Party comrades and the fallacious thinking of Chen Tu-hsiu, Chang Kuo-tao and others also did not manifest themselves in an antagonistic form, but later they did develop into antagonism. At present the contradiction between correct and incorrect thinking in our Party does not manifest itself in an antagonistic form, and if comrades who have committed mistakes can correct them, it will not develop into antagonism. Therefore, the Party must on the one hand wage a serious struggle against erroneous thinking, and on the other give the comrades who have committed errors ample opportunity to wake up. This being the case, excessive struggle is obviously inappropriate. But if the people who have committed errors persist in them and aggravate them, there is the possibility that this contradiction will develop into antagonism.”173
ပစၥည္းမဲ့ပါတီတြင္ ဂိုဏ္းဂနအုပ္စုမ်ားႏွင့္ လိုက္ေလွ်ာညီေထြမရွိျခင္းကို ေမာ္ကလုံး၀ေထာက္ခံသည္။ သို႕ေသာ္သူသည္ ထိုျပႆနာကို အျခားနည္းတနည္းျဖင့္ ၁၉၃၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းတင္ျပခဲ့သည္။
"လူတန္းစားတည္ရွိေနသမွ်ကာလပါတ္လုံး ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီအတြင္း မွန္ကန္ေသာအေတြးအေခၚႏွင့္မွားယြင္းေသာ အေတြးအေခၚတုိ႔အၾကား ပဋိပကၡသည္ ပါတီတြင္းလူတန္းစား ပဋိပကၡ၏ ထင္ဟတ္မႈသာျဖစ္သည္။ ပထမတြင္ အခ်ိဳ႕ေသာ ျပႆနာမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ထိုကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားသည္ ရန္ဖက္ပဋိပကၡမ်ားအျဖစ္ ျပသျခင္းမရွိေပ။ သို႕ေသာ္လူတန္း္စားတိုက္ပြဲ တိုးတက္လာသည္ႏွင့္အတူ ၄င္းတို႕သည္ႀကီးထြားလာၿပီး ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္လာၾကသည္။ လီနင္ႏွင့္ စတာလင္၏မွန္ကန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚႏွင့္ ထေရာ့စကီး၊ ဘူခါနင္ႏွင့္ အျခားသူမ်ား၏ မွာယြင္းေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားအၾကား ပထမတြင္ ရန္ဖက္ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းမျပေသာ္လည္း ေနာင္တြင္ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္လာေၾကာင္း ဆိုဗီယက္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ သမိုင္းကျပသေနေပသည္။ တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီသမိုင္းတြင္လည္း အလားတူျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားရွိသည္။ ပထမတြင္ ပါတီတြင္းရဲေဘာ္အမ်ားအျပား၏ မွန္ကန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚႏွင့္ ခ်န္တုရႈ၊ ခ်န္ကူအိုေတာက္ႏွင့္ အျခားသူမ်ား၏ မွားယြင္းေသာ အေတြးအေခၚတို႔အၾကား ပဋိပကၡသည္ ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္မလာေသာ္လည္း ေနာင္တြင္ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္လာသည္။ လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္တြင္ မိမိတို႔ပါတီအတြင္းရွိ မွန္ကန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚႏွင့္ မွားယြင္းေသာ အေတြးအေခၚအၾကား ပဋိပကၡသည္ ရန္ဖက္အျဖစ္မေဖၚျပေသးဘဲ အမွားက်ဴးလြန္ေသာ ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားသည္ ၄င္းတို႔ကို ျပင္ဆင္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ထိုပဋိပကၡသည္ ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္လာမည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ပါတီသည္ တဖက္တြင္ မွားယြင္းေသာ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို အေလးအနက္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး အျခားတဖက္တြင္ အမွားက်ဴးလြန္ေသာ ရဲေဘာ္မ်ား အသိတရားရရန္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔သည့္အခြင့္အေရးေပးရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ အလြန္အကၽြံတိုက္ပြဲသည္ မသင့္ေတာ္ေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွားသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အမွားက်ဴးလြန္သူမ်ားသည္ အမွားမ်ားကို သာဆက္လက္က်ဴးလြန္ေနၿပီး အေျခအေနပိုမိုဆိုးရြားေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနပါက ထိုပဋိပကၡသည္ ရန္ဖက္ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္ေျခရွိသည္။"၁၇၃
Thus Mao’s approach, based on dialectical materialism was to see incorrect opinions within the Communist Party as the reflection of alien classes in society. Thus as long as the class struggle continued in society there was bound to be its reflection in the ideological struggle within the Party. His approach towards these contradictions too was different. He saw them as non-antagonistic contradictions initially which through ‘serious struggle’ we should try to rectify. We should give ample opportunity to rectify and only if the people committing errors ‘persist’ or ‘aggravate them’, then there was the possibility of the contradiction becoming antagonistic.
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ အႏုပဋိေလာမ ရုပ္၀ါဒကို အေျခခံေသာ ေမာ္၏ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈသည္ ပါတီတြင္းရွိ မွားယြင္းေသာ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္မ်ားကို လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွ အျခားလူတန္းစားမ်ား၏ ရိုတ္ခတ္မႈအျဖစ္ရႈျမင္ရန္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္း လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲ ရွိေနသမွ်ကာလပတ္လုံး ပါတီတြင္း သေဘာတရားေရးရာတုိက္ပြဲတြင္ လာေရာက္ထင္ဟတ္ေနမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုပဋိပကၡမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ သူ၏ အျမင္သည္လုံး၀ကြဲျပားျခားနားသည္။ သူသည္ ၄င္းတို႕ကို ရန္ဖက္မဟုတ္ေသာ ပဋိပကၡအျဖစ္ ကနဦးတြင္ ျမင္ၿပီး ေလးနက္ေသာတိုက္ပြဲမွတဆင့္ မွန္ကန္ေအာင္ျပင္ဆင္ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိတို႔အေနျဖင့္ အမွားျပင္ရန္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာ အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ားေပးရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး အမွားက်ဴးလြန္သူမ်ား ဆက္လက္က်ဴလြန္ေနၿပီး ပိုမိုဆိုးရြားလာမွသာ ရန္ဖက္ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္လာႏိုင္သည့္ အေျခအေနရွိသည္။
ထိုအခ်က္မွာ စတာလင္ ေအာက္ပါတင္ျပခ်က္ကို ျပင္ဆင္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ "ပါတီတြင္း သေဘာတရားေရးတိုက္ပြဲပါတီတြင္း အေခ်ာင္သမား အစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို ေခ်မႈန္းေရး သေဘာတရား၊ ပါတီတခုတည္း၏ အကန္႔အသတ္မ်ားအၾကား ဤ အစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို ေအာင္ႏိုင္ေရး သေဘာတရားသည္ ပါတီကို သြက္ခ်ာပါဒလိုက္ၿပီး တသက္တာ မစြမ္းမသန္ျဖစ္သြားေစႏိုင္သည့္ ပုတ္သိုးေဆြးေျမ႕ အႏၱရာယ္မ်ားေသာ သေဘာတရားျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိတို႔ပါတီသည္ အေခ်ာင္သမားညီညြတ္မႈမွ မိမိကိုယ္မိမိသန္႔စင္ေစရန္ အခ်ိန္မီေသာေၾကာင့္၊ မိမိတို႔ပါတီအတြင္း အညံ့ခံေရးသမားမ်ား၊ မင္ရွီဗစ္မ်ား မရွိေအာင္လုပ္ထားေသာေၾကာင့္ အတြင္းပိုင္းညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္ ရယူႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။"၁၇၄ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ေသာတင္ျပခ်က္မ်ားသည္ ရန္ဖက္မဟုတ္ေသာ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေျခကို ျငင္းဆိုၿပီး အေခ်ာင္သမား၀ါဒကကို ကနဦးကပင္ ရန္ဖက္ပဋိပကၡအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။Drawing lessons from the same historical experience, Mao presented the methods of inner-Party struggle in the following manner. In a talk at a Working Conference in 1962, he said, “All leading members of the Party must promote inner-Party democracy and let people speak out. What are the limits? One is that Party discipline must be observed, the minority being subordinate to the majority and the entire membership to the Central Committee. Another limit is that no secret faction must be organised. We are not afraid of open opponents, we are only afraid of secret opponents. Such people do not speak the truth to your face, what they say is only lies and deceit. They don’t express their real intention. As long as a person doesn’t violate discipline and doesn’t engage in secret factional activities, we should allow him to speak out and shouldn’t punish him if he says wrong things. If people say wrong things, they can be criticised, but we should convince them with reason. What if they are still not convinced? As long as they abide by the resolutions and the decisions taken by the majority, the minority can reserve their opinions.”
It was thus-according to this understanding that even during the Cultural Revolution, in October 1966, Mao suggested that even the chief capitalist roaders like Liu Shao-chi and Teng Hsiao-ping should be allowed to reform themselves. He said, “Liu and Teng acted openly, not in secret, they were not like P’eng Chen. In the past Chen Tu-hsiu, Chang Kuo-tao, Wang Ming, Lo Lung-Chang, Li Li-san all acted openly; that’s not so serious. ........those who are secretive will come to no good end. Those who follow the wrong line should reform, but Chen, Wang and Li did not reform.
“Cliques and factions of whatever description should be strictly excluded. The essential thing is that they should reform, that their ideas should conform, and that they should unite with us. Then things will be all right. We should allow Liu and Teng to make revolution and to reform themselves. ...... We shouldn’t condemn Liu Shao-chi out of hand. If they have made mistakes they can change, can’t they? When they have changed it will be all right. Let them pull themselves together, and throw themselves courageously into their work.”176
ထိုေၾကာင့္ေမာ္၏ နားလည္မႈမွာ လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲတည္ရွိေနသမွ်ကာလပါတ္လုံး ပါတီတြင္းတြင္လူတန္စားတိုက္ပြဲ -လိုင္းႏွစ္လိုင္းတိုက္ပြဲ - ရွိမည္ဟူေသာ အေျခခံေပၚတြင္ရွိေၾကာင္းရွင္းလင္းသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ထိုတိုက္ပြဲကို ပြင့္လငး္စြာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ သေဘတရားအရ တိုက္မွသာ မွန္ကန္သည္။ ၄င္းသည္ အထက္တြင္ ေမာ္ကေ၀ဖန္ခဲ့သည္ စတာလင္၏နားလည္မႈႏွင့္ ဆန္႕က်င္သည္။ ၁၉၃၆ တြင္ေမာ္က လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲ အျမစ္ျဖတ္ရွင္းလင္းမည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ၁၉၃၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္မူ သူသည္ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမ်ားကို ထပ္မံရွင္းထုတ္ရျပန္သည္။ ထိုတိုက္ပြဲသည္ လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲမဟုတ္ပါသေလာ။ ထိုေၾကာင့္ ေမာ္သည္ လိုင္းႏွစ္လိုင္းတိုက္ပြဲအယူအဆကို သူ၏နားလည္မႈ၊ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚမႈတို႕မွ တဆင့္ မွန္ကန္ ေသာ အႏုပဋိေလာမက်ေသာလူတန္းစားတုိင္ပြဲအျမင္ကို လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲႏွင့္ ပါတီတြင္းတိုက္ပြဲတို႕ကို ေဆာင္ယူေပးရန္ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့သည္။
This was a correction of Stalin’s presentation which saw, “The theory of ‘defeating’ opportunist elements by ideological struggle within the Party, the theory of ‘overcoming’ these elements within the confines of a single party, is a rotten and dangerous theory, which threatens to condemn the Party to paralysis and chronic infirmity,.. Our Party succeeded in achieving internal unity and unexampled cohesion of its ranks primarily because it was able in good time to purge itself of the opportunist pollution, because it was able to rid its ranks of Liquidators and Mensheviks.”174 Such a presentation refused the possibility of a non-antagonistic contradiction and treated the struggle against opportunism as an antagonistic contradiction from the very beginning.
ထိုအခ်က္မွာ စတာလင္ ေအာက္ပါတင္ျပခ်က္ကို ျပင္ဆင္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ "ပါတီတြင္း သေဘာတရားေရးတိုက္ပြဲပါတီတြင္း အေခ်ာင္သမား အစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို ေခ်မႈန္းေရး သေဘာတရား၊ ပါတီတခုတည္း၏ အကန္႔အသတ္မ်ားအၾကား ဤ အစိတ္အပိုင္းမ်ားကို ေအာင္ႏိုင္ေရး သေဘာတရားသည္ ပါတီကို သြက္ခ်ာပါဒလိုက္ၿပီး တသက္တာ မစြမ္းမသန္ျဖစ္သြားေစႏိုင္သည့္ ပုတ္သိုးေဆြးေျမ႕ အႏၱရာယ္မ်ားေသာ သေဘာတရားျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိတို႔ပါတီသည္ အေခ်ာင္သမားညီညြတ္မႈမွ မိမိကိုယ္မိမိသန္႔စင္ေစရန္ အခ်ိန္မီေသာေၾကာင့္၊ မိမိတို႔ပါတီအတြင္း အညံ့ခံေရးသမားမ်ား၊ မင္ရွီဗစ္မ်ား မရွိေအာင္လုပ္ထားေသာေၾကာင့္ အတြင္းပိုင္းညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္ ရယူႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။"၁၇၄ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ေသာတင္ျပခ်က္မ်ားသည္ ရန္ဖက္မဟုတ္ေသာ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေျခကို ျငင္းဆိုၿပီး အေခ်ာင္သမား၀ါဒကကို ကနဦးကပင္ ရန္ဖက္ပဋိပကၡအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။Drawing lessons from the same historical experience, Mao presented the methods of inner-Party struggle in the following manner. In a talk at a Working Conference in 1962, he said, “All leading members of the Party must promote inner-Party democracy and let people speak out. What are the limits? One is that Party discipline must be observed, the minority being subordinate to the majority and the entire membership to the Central Committee. Another limit is that no secret faction must be organised. We are not afraid of open opponents, we are only afraid of secret opponents. Such people do not speak the truth to your face, what they say is only lies and deceit. They don’t express their real intention. As long as a person doesn’t violate discipline and doesn’t engage in secret factional activities, we should allow him to speak out and shouldn’t punish him if he says wrong things. If people say wrong things, they can be criticised, but we should convince them with reason. What if they are still not convinced? As long as they abide by the resolutions and the decisions taken by the majority, the minority can reserve their opinions.”
အလားတူသမိုင္းအေတြ႕အႀကံဳမ်ားမွ သင္ခန္းစာမ်ား ဆြဲယူၿပီးေနာက္ ေမာ္သည္ ပါတီတြင္းတုိက္ပြဲနည္းလမ္းကုိ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကက်င္းပေသာ အလုပ္သေဘာညီလာခံတခုတြင္ ေမာ္က "ပါတီ၏ ထိပ္တန္းအဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားအားလုံးသည္ ပါတီတြင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီကို အားေပးၿပီး ျပည္သူမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖၚေျပာဆိုခြင့္ ေပးရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ကန္႕သတ္ခ်က္မ်ားသည္ မည္သည္တို႔နည္း။ တခုမွာ ပါတီစည္းကမ္းကို လိုက္နာေရးျဖစ္သည္။ အနည္းစုသည္ အမ်ားစုႏွင့္ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီတခုလုံးကို နာခံရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ အျခားကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္မွာ လိႈ႕၀ွက္ ဂိုဏ္းဂဏအုပ္စုမ်ား မဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိတို႔သည္ ေျပာင္က်က်ဆန္႔က်င္မႈမ်ားကို မေၾကာက္ၾကေပ။ လႈိ႕၀ွက္ အေကာက္ႀကံသူမ်ားကို သာေၾကာက္သည္။ ထိုသူမ်ားသည္ သင္၏ေရွ႕တြင္ အမွန္တရားကို ေျပာဆိုျခင္းမရွိၾကေပ။ သူတို႕၏ စကားမ်ားသည္ အလိမ္အညာလွည့္စားမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။ သူတို႔သည္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မွန္ကို ထုတ္ေဖၚေျပာဆိုျခင္းမရွိၾကေပ။ လူတဦးသည္ စည္းကမ္းမခ်ိဳးေဖါက္သမွ်ကာလပတ္လုံး လႈိ႕၀ွက္ ဂိုဏ္းဂဏမ်ားတြင္ မပါ၀င္သမွ်ကာလပါတ္လုံး မိမိတို႔အေနျဖင့္ ၄င္းကို ထုတ္ေဖၚေျပာဆိုခြင့္ေပးၿပီး သူအမွာမ်ားေျပာလွ်င္ပင္ အျပစ္မေပးသင့္ေပ။ ၄င္းတို႔အမွားေျပာလွ်င္ ၄င္းတို႔ကို ေ၀ဖန္ႏိုင္သည္။သို႕ေသာ္ အက်ိဳးအေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ သူတို႔လက္ခံေအာင္မိမိတို႕လုပ္ႏိုင္သင့္ေပသည္။ သူတို႔လက္မခံေသးလ ွ်င္ မည္သို႔လုပ္ေဆာင္မည္နည္း။ အမ်ားစုကခ်မွတ္ေသာ ဆုံးျဖဆ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ၄င္းတို႔လိုက္နာေနသမွ် လူနည္းစုသည္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္မ်ားကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားႏိုင္ေပသည္။
It was thus-according to this understanding that even during the Cultural Revolution, in October 1966, Mao suggested that even the chief capitalist roaders like Liu Shao-chi and Teng Hsiao-ping should be allowed to reform themselves. He said, “Liu and Teng acted openly, not in secret, they were not like P’eng Chen. In the past Chen Tu-hsiu, Chang Kuo-tao, Wang Ming, Lo Lung-Chang, Li Li-san all acted openly; that’s not so serious. ........those who are secretive will come to no good end. Those who follow the wrong line should reform, but Chen, Wang and Li did not reform.
ထိုသိုု႔ေသာ နားလည္မႈအတိုင္းပင္ ၁၉၆၆ ခုႏွစ္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေတာ္လွန္ေရးအတြင္းက အဓိက အရင္းရွင္လမ္းလိုက္သူမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ လူေရွာက္ခ်ီႏွင့္ တိန္ေရွာက္ဖိန္တို႔ကဲ့သို႕ေသာသူမ်ားကို ၄င္းတို႔ကို ၄င္းတို႔ျပင္ဆင္ခြင့္ ေပးသင့္သည္ဟု ေမာ္က အႀကံျပဳသည္။ "လူနွင့္တိန္တို႔သည္ ပြင့္လင္းစြာေဆာင္ရြက္သည္။ လိႈ႕၀ွက္လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းမရွိ။ ၄င္းတို႕သည္ ပင္ခ်င္းကဲ့သို႕မဟုတ္။ ယခင္က ခ်န္တုရႈ၊ ခ်န္ကူအိုေတာက္၊ ၀မ္မင္း၊ လုလုခ်န္၊ လီလီဆန္း တို႔လည္း ေျပာင္က်က် လုပ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထိုကိစၥသည္ မျပင္းထန္လွ။ လႈိ႕၀ွက္ႀကံစည္သူမ်ားသည္ နိဂုံးလွမည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ မွားယြင္းေသာလမ္းေၾကာင္းကို လိုက္သူမ်ားအားလုံးျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္သင့္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ခ်န္၊၀မ္ႏွင့္ လီတို႔သည္ ျပဳျပင္ျခင္းမရွိေပ။
“Cliques and factions of whatever description should be strictly excluded. The essential thing is that they should reform, that their ideas should conform, and that they should unite with us. Then things will be all right. We should allow Liu and Teng to make revolution and to reform themselves. ...... We shouldn’t condemn Liu Shao-chi out of hand. If they have made mistakes they can change, can’t they? When they have changed it will be all right. Let them pull themselves together, and throw themselves courageously into their work.”176
"မည္သို႕ေသာ လိႈ႕၀ွက္ဂိုဏ္းမဆို ဂိုဏ္းဂဏ မဆိုကို တင္းက်ပ္စြာ ထုတ္ပယ္သင့္သည္။ အဓိကက်ေသာအခ်က္မွာ ၄င္းတို႔ျပင္ဆင္သင့္သည္။ ၄င္းတို႔အေတြ႕အေခၚသည္ မိမိတို႔ႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီၿပီး မိမိတို႔ႏွင့္ ညီညြတ္သင့္သည္။ ထိုအခါတြင္ အေျခအေနေကာင္းလာမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိတို႕သည္ လူႏွင့္ တိန္ ကို ၄င္းတို႔ဘာသာ ေတာ္လွန္ရန္ႏွင့္ ျပဳျပင္ခြင့္ေပး သင့္သည္။ မိမိတို႕သည္ လူေရွာက္ခ်ီကို လက္လြတ္စပါယ္ ျပစ္တင္ရႈတ္ခ်ျခင္းမရွိ။သူတို႕အမွားလုပ္လွ်င္ သူတို႔ျပင္ႏိုင္သည္။ သူတို႕ျပင္ဆင္ၿပီးေသာအခါ အေျခအေနေကာင္းလာမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၄င္းတို႕ဘာသာအားယူၿပီး အလုပ္ကို သတၱိရွိရွိလုပ္ေအာင္ခြင့္ျပဳ႕ရမည္။" ၁၇၆
Mao’s understanding thus was on the clear basis that as long as class struggle existed in society there was bound to be the class struggle in the Party, i.e., the two-line struggle. Therefore it was only correct that this struggle should be fought out openly according the principles of democratic centralism. This contrasted with Stalin’s understanding about which Mao commented in his above mentioned talk, “In 1936 Stalin talked about the elimination of class struggle, but in 1939 he carried out another purge of counter-revolutionaries. Wasn’t that class struggle too? It was clear therefore that Mao through his understanding and implementation of the concept of two-line struggle attempted to bring about a correct dialectical approach to classes class struggle and inner-party struggle.
Mao’s understanding thus was on the clear basis that as long as class struggle existed in society there was bound to be the class struggle in the Party, i.e., the two-line struggle. Therefore it was only correct that this struggle should be fought out openly according the principles of democratic centralism. This contrasted with Stalin’s understanding about which Mao commented in his above mentioned talk, “In 1936 Stalin talked about the elimination of class struggle, but in 1939 he carried out another purge of counter-revolutionaries. Wasn’t that class struggle too? It was clear therefore that Mao through his understanding and implementation of the concept of two-line struggle attempted to bring about a correct dialectical approach to classes class struggle and inner-party struggle.
ထိုေၾကာင့္ေမာ္၏ နားလည္မႈမွာ လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲတည္ရွိေနသမွ်ကာလပါတ္လုံး ပါတီတြင္းတြင္လူတန္စားတိုက္ပြဲ -လိုင္းႏွစ္လိုင္းတိုက္ပြဲ - ရွိမည္ဟူေသာ အေျခခံေပၚတြင္ရွိေၾကာင္းရွင္းလင္းသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ထိုတိုက္ပြဲကို ပြင့္လငး္စြာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ သေဘတရားအရ တိုက္မွသာ မွန္ကန္သည္။ ၄င္းသည္ အထက္တြင္ ေမာ္ကေ၀ဖန္ခဲ့သည္ စတာလင္၏နားလည္မႈႏွင့္ ဆန္႕က်င္သည္။ ၁၉၃၆ တြင္ေမာ္က လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲ အျမစ္ျဖတ္ရွင္းလင္းမည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ၁၉၃၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္မူ သူသည္ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမ်ားကို ထပ္မံရွင္းထုတ္ရျပန္သည္။ ထိုတိုက္ပြဲသည္ လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲမဟုတ္ပါသေလာ။ ထိုေၾကာင့္ ေမာ္သည္ လိုင္းႏွစ္လိုင္းတိုက္ပြဲအယူအဆကို သူ၏နားလည္မႈ၊ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚမႈတို႕မွ တဆင့္ မွန္ကန္ ေသာ အႏုပဋိေလာမက်ေသာလူတန္းစားတုိင္ပြဲအျမင္ကို လူတန္းစားတိုက္ပြဲႏွင့္ ပါတီတြင္းတိုက္ပြဲတို႕ကို ေဆာင္ယူေပးရန္ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့သည္။
Chapter XV
The National Question
Marxist Understanding Regarding Early Nationality Movements
The earliest national movements arose in Western Europe. The bourgeoisie in their fight against the old unstable feudal monarchies, set up modern independent states which were in most cases single-nation states: that is to say, each country was occupied by a single people speaking a common language. Lenin explained the material basis of these movements:
အခန္း (၁၅)
အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာ
အေစာပိုင္းအမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွာမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ နားလည္မႈ
အေစာဆုံး အမ်ိဳးသား လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားသည္ အေနာက္ဥေရာပတြင္ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့သည္။ ဓနရွင္မ်ားသည္ မတည္ၿငိမ္ေသာ ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္ဘုရင္မ်ားကိုတိုက္ခိုက္သည့္တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံတည္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ လြပ္လပ္ေသာ ေခတ္သစ္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို တည္ေထာင္ၾကသည္။ တႏိုင္ငံတည္းျဖစ္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဆိုသည္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံတခုစီတြင္ ဘုံဘာသာစကားတခုကိုေျပာဆိုသည့္ သူမ်ား ေနထိုင္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကိုဆိုလိုသည္။ ထိုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ ရုပ္ပိုင္းအေျခခံမ်ားကို လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။
“Throughout the world, the period of the final victory of capitalism over feudalism has been linked up with national movements. For the complete victory of commodity production, the bourgeoisie must capture the home market, and there must be politically united territories whose population speaks a single language, with all obstacles to the development of that language and to its consolidation in literature eliminated. Therein is the economic foundation of national movements. Language is the most important means of human intercourse. Unity and unimpeded development of language are the most important conditions for genuinely free and extensive commerce on a scale commensurate with modern capitalism, for a free and broad grouping of the population in all its various classes and, lastly, far the establishment of a close connection between the market and each and every proprietor, big or little, and between seller and buyer.
တကမၻာလုံးတြင္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္က ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္ကို ေနာက္ဆုံးေအာင္ပြဲခံလိုက္ေသာေခတ္သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ေနသည္။ ကုန္စည္ထုတ္လုပ္မႈတိုက္ပြဲကို အျပည့္အ၀ေအာင္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ ဓနရွင္မ်ားသည္ ျပည္တြင္းေဈးကြက္ကို သိမ္းယူရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး တခုတည္းေသာ ဘုံဘာသာစကားတခုေပၚေပါက္ေရးႏွင့္ စာေပတြင္ ထိုဘာသာစကားက်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းလာေရးအတြက္ အတားအဆီးမ်ားကို ဖယ္ရွားရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘာသာစကားတခုတည္းေျပာေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ညီညြတ္သည့္ ပိုင္နက္မ်ား ရွိရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုအခ်က္သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ စီးပြားေရးအေျခခံျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာစကားသည္ လူသားတို႔၏ ဆက္ဆံေရး၏ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံးေသာ နည္းလမ္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာစကား၏ ညီညြတ္မႈႏွင့္ အတားအဆီးမရွိေသာ တိုးတက္မႈသည္ ေခတ္သစ္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီေသာ အတိုင္းအတာရွိသည့္ စစ္မွန္ေသာလြတ္လပ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔သည့္ ကူးသန္းေရာင္း၀ယ္မႈအတြက္၊ လူတန္းစားအသီသီးတြင္ လူမ်ား လြတ္လပ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔စြာ အုပ္စုဖြဲ႕ေရးအတြက္ႏွင့္ ေနာက္ဆုံးတြင္ ေဈးကြက္ႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းပိုင္ဆိုင္သူႀကီးငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေရာင္းသူႏွင့္ ၀ယ္သူမ်ားအၾကားနီးကပ္ေသာဆက္ဆံေရးထူေထာင္ေရးအတြက္ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံး အေျခအေနျဖစ္သည္။
“Therefore, the tendency of every national movement is towards the formation of national states, under which these conditions of modern capitalism are best satisfied.”178
"ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈတိုင္း၏ သေဘာသဘာ၀မွာ ေခတ္သစ္အရင္းရွင္စနစ္၏ ထိုအေျခအေနမ်ားကို အေကာင္းဆုံးျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးသည့္ အမ်ိဳးသားႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မ်ားတည္ေထာင္ေရးျဖစ္သည္။" ၁၇၈
In the whole of Western Europe, only on the British Isles, was there a national minority large enough to give rise to a struggle for independence. The English failed to consolidate their conquest of Ireland, and during the eighteenth century there arose an Irish national movement. Marx and Engels lived in this period, when the national movements of East Europe were yet to emerge, and the upsurge of struggles against imperialism were yet to become a reality. They thus did not devote much attention-to developing Marxist theory on the national question. Marx however formulated the basic stand in relation to the Irish Question by calling on the English proletariat to support the national struggle of the Irish people and oppose its national oppression. Marx and Engels took the position that, the liberation of Ireland was a condition for the victory of the English working class. A resolution of the First International drafted by Marx said “A people which enslaves others forges its own chains”179
ၿဗိတိသွ် ကၽြန္းစုမွ လြဲၿပီး အေနာက္ဥေရာပတခုလုံးတြင္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲေပၚေအက္ေစလေလာက္ေအာင္ႀကီးမားသည့္ အမ်ိဳးသား လူနည္းစုတခုရွိသည္။ အဂၤလိပ္တို႕သည္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ အိုင္ယာလန္ကို ေအာင္ပြဲကို က်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ျခင္းမရွိဘဲ ၁၈ရာစု အတြင္းတြင္ အိုင္းရစ္အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ေပၚေပါက္လာသည္။ မာ့က္စ္ႏွ္င့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕သည္ ထိုေခတ္တြင္ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုစဥ္က အေရွ႕ဥေရာပတြင္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ေပၚေပါက္ျခင္းမရွိေသးဘဲ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးအုံၾကြမႈမ်ားသည္လည္း လက္ေတြ႕ျဖစ္လာျခင္းမရွိေသးေပ။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ၄င္းတို႕သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ျပႆနာႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ သေဘာတရားထူေထာင္ေရးကို အာရုံစိုက္ျခင္းမရွိၾကေပ။ သို႕ေသာ္ မာ့က္စ္သည္ အဂၤလိပ္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားအေနျဖင့္ အိုင္းရစ္အမ်ိဳးသားေရး လႈပ္ရွာမႈကို ေထာက္ခံရန္ႏွင့္၄င္းတို႕အေပၚအမ်ိဳးသားဖိႏွစ္မႈကိုဆန္႔က်င္ရန္ေတာင္းဆိုျခင္းျဖင့္ အေျခခံရပ္တည္ခ်ကို ခ်မွတ္ေပးခဲ့သည္။ အိုင္ယာလန္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးသည္ အဂၤလိပ္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားေအာင္ပြဲအတြက္ အေျခအေနတခုျဖစ္သည္ဟု မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕က သေဘာထားသည္။ မာ့က္စ္က မူႀကမ္းေရးသားသည့္ ပထမ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္တြင္ "အျခားလူမ်ိဳးတမ်ိဳးကို ကၽြန္ျပဳေသာလူမ်ားတမ်ိဳးသည္ မိမိေႏွာင္ႀကိဳးမ်ားကို မိမိဘာသာျပဳလုပ္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္" ေရးသားထားသည္။၁၇၉
The next phases of nationality movements came in Eastern Europe, with the spread of capitalism, and the weakening of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. It was during this period that Stalin, in 1913, made the first systematic Marxist presentation on the national question. He defined a nation as “a historically evolved, stable community of people, based upon the common possession of four principal attributes, namely: a common language, a common territory, a common economic life, and a common psychological make-up manifesting itself in common specific features of national culture.” ‘80 Further he saw a nation as “not merely a historical category but a historical category belonging to a definite epoch, the epoch of rising capitalism.” 181 Stalin concentrated his analysis on the multinational states of Eastern Europe which were then experiencing a growth of capitalist, relations. Further since Marxism had at that time not yet made a complete analysis of imperialism, his analysis could not sufficiently explain the national question of the colonies and semi-colonies. Colonies do not qualify as nations under Stalin’s definition. Colonies and semi- colonies did not really possess an integrated economy given their dependent economic status. And equally inapplicable was the concept of ‘rising capitalism’ to the position of these societies.
အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ ႐ွားမႈ၏ ေနာက္ ထပ္ လိႈင္ းတခုသည္ အရင္ း႐ွင္ စနစ္ ပ့်ံႏွံ႔ျခင္ းႏွင္ ့ ဩစထ႐ိုဟန္ ေဂးရီးယန္ းနဲ႔ ႐ု႐ွား အင္ ပါယာမ်ား အားနည္ းလာျခင္ းႏွင္ ့အတူ အ ေ႐ွ႕ဥ ေရာပတြင္ ေပၚ ေပါက္ လာသည္ ။ အမ်ိဳးသား ေရးျပႆနာႏွင္ ့ပတ္ သက္ သည္ ့ စနစ္ က် ေသာ မာ့က္ စ္ ဝါဒ ႐ွင္ းလင္ းတင္ ျပခ်က္ ကို ၁၉၁၃ ခုႏွစ္ တြင္ စတာလင္ ပထမဆုံး႐ွင္ းျပသည္ မွာ ထိုကာလအတြင္ းတြင္ ျဖစ္ သည္ ။ ႏိုင္ ငံဆိုသည္ မွာ အရည္ အ ေသြး ေလးခုက္ို စု ေပါင္ းပိုင္ ဆိုင္ မႈကို အ ေျချပဳသည္ သမိုင္ းအရ ျဖစ္ ေပၚတိုးတက္ ေန ေသာ တည္ၿငိမ္ သည္ ့ လူ႔အသိုင္ းအဝန္ းဟု စတာလင္ ဖြင္ ့ဆိုသည္ ။ ထိုအရည္ အ ေသြး ေလးခုမွာ ဘုံဘာသာစကား၊ ဘုံပိုင္ နက္ ၊ ဘုံစီးပြား ေရးဘဝ ႏွင္ အမ်ိဳးသားယဥ္ ေက်းမႈ တိက် ေသာ ဘုံသြင္ ျပင္ လကၡဏာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖၚျပသည္ ့ စိတ္ ဓာတ္ ေရးရာဘုံ ဖြဲ႔စည္ းတည္ ေဆာက္ မႈ တို႔ျဖစ္ သည္ ။၈၀ ထို႔အျပင္ ႏိုင္ ငံဆိုသည္ မွာ သမိုင္ းဆိုင္ရာ ခြဲျခားသတ္ မွတ္ မႈသာမက တိက် ေသာ သိမိုင္ း ေခတ္ တ ေခတ္ ျဖစ္ သည္ ့ အရင္ း႐ွင္ စနစ္ ေခါင္ း ေထာင္ ထလာ ေသာ ေခတ္ ႏွင္ ့ သက္ ဆိုင္ သည္ ့ သမိုင္ းဆိုင္ ရာ ခြဲျခားသတ္ မွတ္ မႈျဖစ္ ေၾကာင္ းလည္ း သူျမင္ သည္ ။၁၈၁ စတာလင္ သည္ သူ၏ ခြဲျခမ္ းစတ္ ျဖာမႈကို ထိုစဥ္ က အရင္ း႐ွင္ ဆက္ ဆံ ေရး တိုးတက္ မႈႏွင္ ့ ၾကံဳ ေတြ႔ ေနရ ေသာ အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ ႏိုင္ငံစုံ ႏို္င္ငံေတာ္မ်ားအား ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ျဖာျခင္းကို အာရုံစိုက္သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ထိုစဥ္က မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒသည္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ စနစ္အေပၚ အျပည့္အစုံ သရုပ္ခြဲျခင္း မျပဳလုပ္ရေသးေသာေၾကာင့္ သူ၏ သရုပ္ခြဲေလ့လာမႈသည္ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာကို လုံေလာက္စြာ ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေပ။ စတာလင္၏ ဖြင့္ဆိုခ်က္အရ ကိုလိုနီမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမဟုတ္ေပ။ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ ရ၎တို႔၏ မွီခိုေနရေသာ စီးပြားေရး အဆင့္ေၾကာင့္ တေပါင္းတစည္းတည္းျဖစ္ေသာ စီးပြားေရးမ်ားကို ပိုင္ဆိုင္ျခင္း မရွိၾကေပ။ အလားတူေသာကိစၥမွာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ဝါဒ ေခါင္းေထာင္ထ လာျခင္းဟူေသာ အယူအဆႏွင့္ ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ အေနအထားႏွင့္လည္း သက္ဆိုင္ေနသည္။
Leninist Linking of the National and Colonial Question
The development of a theory which does apply to colonies and semi-colonies was begun by Lenin only two years after the publication of Stalin’s article. It was with the development of the theory of imperialism that this came about. Thus, in the words of Stalin:
အမ်ိဳးသားေရးႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီျပႆနာႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ လီနင္၏ အခ်ိတ္အဆက္
ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ သေဘာတရား ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈကို စတာလင္၏ ေဆာင္းပါးထြက္ၿပီး ႏွစ္ႏွစ္အၾကာတြင္ လီနင္က စတင္ေရးသားခဲ့သည္။ ၎မွာႀကံဳေတြ႕ရေတာ့မည့္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စန
“Leninism laid bare this crying incongruity, broke down the wall between whites and blacks, between Europeans and Asians, between the ‘civilized’ and ‘uncivilized’ slaves of imperialism, and thus linked the national question with the question of the colonies. The national question was thereby transformed from a particular and internal state problem into a general and international problem, into a world problem of the liberation of the oppressed peoples in the dependent countries and colonies from the yoke of imperialism.”182
“လီနင္ဝါဒသည္ ထိုဆိုးရြာလွေသာ မဆီေလွ်ာ္မႈကို ဖြင့္ခ်သည္၊ လူျဖဴႏွင့္ လူမည္းမ်ားအၾကား၊ ဥေရာပသားမ်ားႏွင့္ အာရွသားမ်ားအၾကား၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္၏ ယဥ္ေက်းေသာ ေက်းကၽြန္မ်ားႏွင့္မယဥ္ေက်းေသာ ေက်းကၽြန္မ်ားအၾကားရွိ တံတိုင္းကို ၿဖိဳခ်လိုက္ေသာေၾကာင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီျပႆနာကို ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ေပးလိုက္သည္။ ထိုမွစတင္ၿပီး အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာကို သီးျခားျဖစ္ေသာ ျပည္တြင္းျပႆနာအျဖစ္မွ အေထြေထြ ႏိုင္ငံတကာျပႆနာ၊ မလြတ္လပ္ေသာႏို္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံျပည္သူမ်ားကို နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္၏ ထမ္းပိုးေအာက္မွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေစေရး ကမ႓ာ႔ျပႆနာအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲျပစ္လိုက္သည္။”၁၈၂
Lenin explained the situation regarding the self-determination of nations and the tasks of the proletariat in the face of different situations in different countries. He divided the countries of the world into “three main types:
ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ အမ်ိဳးေမ်ိဳးေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ားတြင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ အေျခအေနကို လီနင္က ရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။ သူသည္ ကမ႓ာ့ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို ပုံစံ ၃ မ်ိဳးခြဲျခားခဲ့ သည္။
“First, the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe and the United States of America. In these countries the bourgeois, progressive, national movements came to an end long ago. Every one of these ‘great’ nations oppresses other nations in the colonies and within its own country. The tasks of the proletariat of these ruling nations are the same as those of the proletariat in England in the nineteenth century in relation to Ireland.
ပထမအုပ္စုတြင္ အေနာက္ဥေရာပမွတိုးတက္ေသာ အရင္းရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတို႔ ပါဝင္သည္။ဤ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ဓနရွင္ တိုးတက္ေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ၿပီးဆုံးခဲ့သည္မွာ အတန္ၾကာၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ ဤႏိုင္ငံႀကီးမ်ားအနက္ တခုစီသည္ ကိုလိုနီအျခားႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ၎တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအတြင္းတြင္လည္း ဖိႏွိပ္ၾကသည္။ ထိုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္မ်ားမွာ ၁၉ ရာစုက အဂၤလန္ႏိုင္ငံမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား၏ အိုင္ယာလန္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္အတိုင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။
“Secondly, Eastern Europe: Austria, the Balkans and particularly Russia. Here it was the twentieth century that particularly developed the bourgeois-democratic national movements and intensified the national struggle. The tasks of the proletariat in these countries – in regard to the consummation of their bourgeois-democratic reformation, as well as in regard to assisting the socialist revolution in other countries cannot be achieved unless it champions the right of nations to self-determination. In this connection the most difficult but most important task is to merge the class struggle of the workers in the oppressing nations with the class struggle of the workers in the oppressed nations.
ဒုတိယ အုပ္စုတြင္ အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ၊ ၾသစတီးယား၊ ေဘာ္လကန္ႏွင့္ အထူးသျဖင့္ ရုရွားတို႔ ပါဝင္သည္။ ဤေနရာမ်ားတြင္ ၂၀ ရာစုအတြင္း ဓနရွင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားအထူးသျဖ
“Thirdly, the semi-colonial countries, like China, Persia, Turkey, and all the colonies, which have a combined population amounting to a billion. In these countries the bourgeois-democratic movements have either hardly begun, or are far from having been completed. Socialists must not only demand the unconditional and immediate liberation of the colonies without compensation - and this demand in its political expression signifies nothing more nor less than the recognition of the right to self-determination – but must render determined support to the more revolutionary elements in the bourgeois-democratic movements for national liberation in these countries and assist their rebellion-and if need be, their revolutionary war against the imperialist powers that oppress them.”183
တတိယအုပ္စုတြင္ တရုတ္၊ပါရွား၊တူရကီတို႔ကဲ့ေသာ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္
This thesis thus summarised the stand of the revolutionaries as unequivocal advocation to the right of self-determination and total support to the struggle for national liberation. To the criticism that the proletariat is internationalist and favours the merger of nations, Lenin explained the material basis and the proletariat’s standpoint.
ဤအယူအဆအရ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားမ်ား၏ ရပ္တည္မႈသည္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ကို ျပတ္သားစြာေထာက္ခံျခင္းႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲ
Thus Lenin pointed out, “Developing capitalism knows two historical tendencies in the national question. The first is the awakening of national life and national movements, the struggle against all national oppression, and the creation of national states. The second is the development and growing frequency of international intercourse in every form, the break-down of national barriers, the creation of the international unity of capital, of economic life in general, of politics, science, etc.
တိုးတက္ေနေသာ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္သည္ အမ်ိဳးေရးျပႆနာ၏ သမိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ သေဘာသဘာဝႏွစ္ခုကိုသိသည္။ ပထမ သေဘာသဘာဝမွာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဘဝႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ႏိုးၾကားလာျခင္း၊ အားလုံးေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေသာတိုက္ပြဲႏွင့္အမ်ိဳး
“Both tendencies are a universal law of capitalism. The former predominates in the beginning of its development, the latter characterises a mature capitalism that is moving towards its transformation into socialist society. The Marxists’ national programme takes both tendencies into
account, and advocates firstly, the equality of nations and languages and the impermissibility of all privileges in this respect (and also the right of nations to self-determination,...); secondly, the principle of internationalism and uncompromising struggle against contamination of the proletariat with bourgeois nationalism, even of the most refined kind.”184
ထိုသေဘာသဘာဝ ႏွစ္ခုလုံးသည္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္၏ အကၽြင္းမဲ့ေသာ ဥပေဒသမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ ပထမ သေဘာသဘာဝသည္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးစအခ်ိန္တြင္ လႊမ္းမိုးၿပီး ဒုတိယ သေဘာသဘာဝသည္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းသို႔ အသြင္းကူးေျပာင္းျခင္းဆီသို႔ ခ်ီတက္ေနသည့္ ရင့္က်က္ေသာ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ လကၡဏာ ေဆာင္သည္။ မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး အစီအစဥ္သည္ ထိုသေဘာသဘာဝႏွစ္ခုလုံးကို ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားၿပီး ပထမဦးစြာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၊ ဘာသာစကားမ်ား တန္းတူညီမွ်ေရး၊ ထိုအခ်က္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မည္သည့္ အခြင့္ထူးခံကိုမွ် ခြင့္မျပဳႏိုင္ျခင္း( ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ ) ေထာက္ခံသည္။ ဒုတိယအေနျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာဝါဒ သေဘာတရားႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားကို ဓနရွင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဝါဒ၊ အသန္႔စင္ဆုံးပုံစံႏွင့္ပင္ ေရာေႏွာညစ္ေထးေစျခင္းကို မေစ့စပ္စတမ္းတိုက္ပြဲဝင္ျခင္းကို
Thus, Lenin says, “The aim of socialism is not only to abolish the present division of mankind into small states and all national isolation; not only to bring the nations closer to each other, but also to merge them.”185 This merger of nations cannot however be achieved by the forced merger of nations; it can only be achieved by them achieving full freedom and merging in a voluntary union. Thus, “Just as mankind can achieve the abolition of classes only by passing through the transition period of the dictatorship of the oppressed class, so mankind can achieve the inevitable merging of nations only by passing through the transition period of complete liberation of all the oppressed nations, i.e., their freedom to secede.”185
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာသည္။ “ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စနစ္သည္ လူသားမ်ားကို လက္ရွိႏိုင္ငံငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ သီးျခား အထီးက်န္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအျဖစ္ လက္ရွိခြဲျခားမႈကိုသာမက၊ တႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္တႏိုင္ငံပိုမိုနီး
This applied all the more to the proletarian state. That is why when Lenin presented the Revision of the Party Programme in October 1917, he insisted, “We want free unification; that is why we must recognise the right to secede. Without freedom to secede, unification cannot be called free.”
ထိုအခ်က္သည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ႏွင့္ ပိုမိုသက္ဆိုင္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ လီနင္သည္ ၁၉၁၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေအာက္တိုဘာတြင္ ပါတီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ကို တင္သြင္းခဲ့ၿပီး “ မိမိတို႔သည္ လြတ္လပ္စြာေပါင္းစည္းျခင္းကိုလိုလားသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမည္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာခြဲထြက္ခြင့္မရွိလွ်င္
National Liberation Struggle
On the basis of the Leninist understanding of the National Question, it is clear that in the colonies and semi-colonies, it is imperialism that generates nationalism. “In colonial and semi- colonial nations there is no epoch of rising capitalism, i.e., no epoch dominated by a rising domestic bourgeoisie. Domination is exercised by foreign monopolists and the big bourgeoisie which is depending upon it, i.e., the bourgeoisie, is comprador in nature.
အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲ
အမ်ိဳးသားျပႆနာႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ လီနင္၏ နားလည္မႈကို အေျခခံၿပီး ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ဝါဒကို ေဖၚထုတ္ေပးသည္မွာ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွားလာသည္။ “ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ေခါင္းေထာင္ထလာေသာေခတ္မရွိ၊ ျပည္တြင္းဓနရွင္ ေခါင္းေထာင္မႈ လႊမ္းမိုးေသာ ေခတ္ မရွိေပ။ လႊမ္းမိုးမႈကို ျပည္ပ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ လက္ေဝခံ ဓနရွင္သေဘာသဘာဝရွိေသာ ျပည္ပ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္မ်ားကို မွီခိုေသာ ဓနရွင္ႀကီးမ်ားကသာ လႊမ္းမိုးသည္။
“Under these circumstances, the nation is not the outcome of a struggle waged primarily by a rising bourgeoisie against the fetters of feudalism. It is the outcome mainly of an anti-imperialist struggle waged by all the oppressed classes, primarily of the toiling masses. In order to achieve victory in this struggle, the establishment of the hegemony of the working class is a historical necessity.
“ ထိုသို႔ေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ားေအာက္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံသည္ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ ေခါင္းေထာင္လာေသာ ဓနရွင္က ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္၏ ေနွာင္ႀကိဳးမ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲမွထြက္ေပၚလာသည့္ ရလဒ္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ၎သည္အဓိကအားျဖင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္ေသာသူမ်ားႏွင့္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံလူတန္းစားအားလုံး ဆင္ႏြဲသည့္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး စစ္ပြဲ၏ ရလဒ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုတိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ေအာင္ပြဲရရန္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား ဗိုလ္က်စိုးမိုးမႈထူေထာင္ေရးသည္ သမိုင္းလိုအပ္ခ်က္ ျဖစ္သည္။
“Thus colonial nationalism and the national liberation struggle would lead not to a form of ‘mature capitalism’ but to socialism. Therefore, it is not a part of the old bourgeois democratic revolution, but of the new democratic revolution, the essence of which is agrarian revolution.”187
ထိုကိုလိုနီ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဝါဒႏွင့္အမ်ိဳးသားလြ
These national liberation struggles and democratic revolutions of the new type have become the main trend in the period after Lenin. Drawing attention to this trend Mao says, “A weak nation can defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country can certainly defeat oppression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, dare to take up arms, and grasp in their own hands the destiny of their country. This is a law of history.”188
ထိုအမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္
Another aspect of this trend is the growing to life and the upsurge of the national liberation struggles of the nations within the multi-national states formed in the semi-colonies. “After Lenin, particularly from the second world war period, two important things have taken place in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. First is that the national movement has become a thing of the present, the second is that many of the colonial countries, instead of becoming free democracies, were changed into states wholly dependent upon the imperialists economically, financially and militarily, under the guise of politically dependent states. When we say that national movement has become a thing of the present, we mean that national formation have taken place in backward multinational colonies and semi-colonial countries. Since these colonial countries were changed into semi-colonial countries, the newly emerged nations are not only subjected to the domination of the ruling big bourgeois national chauvinists of their own countries who control their central governments. Therefore, the newly emerged oppressed nations of the multinational semi-colonial countries are suffering under double yoke. Hence, along with the task of liberating the country from imperialists the task of fighting for the right to self-determination of these oppressed nations of these countries also comes to the forefront.”187
ထိုအယူအဆ၏ အျခားေသာ သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာတခုမွာ ကိုလုိနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းထားသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံစုံပါေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မ်ားအတြင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ား သက္ဝင္အုံၾကြလာျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။” လီနင္၏ေနာက္ပိုင္း၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒုတိယကမ႓ာစစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အေရးပါေသာ အရာ ၂ ခု ျဖစ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ သည္။ပထမတခုမွာ လက္ရွိႀကံဳေတြ႕ေနရေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒုတိယတခုမွာ ကိုလိုနီႏိုင္ငံအမ်ားအျပားသည္ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီမ်ား ျဖစ္လာရမည့္အစား ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ လြတ္လပ္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားဟန္ေဆာင္ၿပီး နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို စီးပြားေရးအရ၊ ဘာ႑ာေရးအရ၊ စစ္ေရးအရ လုံးလုံးလွ်ားလွ်ားမွီခိုသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားျဖစ္လာျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္သ
How the proletariat in these countries and nations grasps the national question, according to Marxist principles, and how it implements this understanding, is of crucial importance to the success of revolution not only in these countries but also to the progress of world socialist revolution.
ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ျပႆနာကို မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒအရ မည္သို႔နားလည္သည္၊ ထိုနားလည္မႈကို မည္သို႔ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚသည္မွာ ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ သာမက ကမ႓ာ့ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုးတက္မႈ အတြက္လည္း လြန္စြာအေရးပါသည္။
CONCLUSION
MLM is Not a Dogma but a Guide to Action “The Marxist-Leninist theory must not be regarded as a collection of dogmas, as a catechism, as a symbol of faith, and the Marxists themselves as pedants and dogmatists. “Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory does not at all mean learning all its formulas and conclusions by heart and clinging to their every letter. To master the Marxist-Leninist theory we must first of all learn to distinguish between its letter and substance. “Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means assimilating the substance of this theory and learning to use it in the solution of the practical problems of the revolutionary movement under the varying conditions of the class struggle of the proletariat. “Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means being able to enrich this theory with the new experience of the revolutionary movement, with new propositions and conclusions, it means being able to develop it and advance it without hesitating to replace – in accordance with the substance of the theory – such of its propositions and conclusions as have become antiquated by new ones corresponding to the new historical situation. “The Marxist-Leninist theory is not a dogma but a guide to action.”
နိဂုံး
မာ့က္စ္- လီနင္-ေမာ္ဝါဒသည္ တရားေသမဟုတ္၊လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား
REFERENCES Part I : History of the Development of MLM 1. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, p. 15. (cited by G. Obichkin, Soviet Literature, 4, p. 131, Moscow, 1953; also similar formulation in History of CPSU (B), p. 355.) 2. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 3. (from Foundations of Leninism) 3. Lenin, Three Sources and Three Components of Marxism 4. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 182. (Marx, Preface to The Crtique of Political Economy) 5. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 585. (from the Foreword to Ludwig Feuerbach...by Engels) 6. same as above. 7. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Historical Materialism, p. 13. (from Theses on Feuerbach by Marx) 8. Marx, Wages, Price and Profit, p. 78. 9. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 77. (The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx) 10. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, pp. 137-38. 11. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, pp. 77-78. 12. Marx-Engels, Selected Correspondence, p. 337. 13. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 429. (from Speech at the Graveside of Karl Marx ) 14. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, pp. 191-92. 15. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 78. 16. same as above, p. 79. 17. History of the CPSU(B), p. 95. 17a. The Three People’s Principles were the principles and the programme put forward by Sun Yat- sen on the question of nationalism, democracy and people’s livelihood in China’s bourgeois- democratic revolution. In 1924 Sun restated the three principles: Nationalism as opposed to imperialism and pro-peasants and workers’ movement; alliance with Russia and cooperation with communist party. 18. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, p. 223. 19. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, p. 9. 20. Lenin., On Just and Unjust Wars, p. 15. (from Tasks of Revolutionary Social-Democracy in the European War) 21. Lenin, Selected Works in two Volumes, Vol. I, Part 2, p.44 441. (from Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism) 22. Lenin, The State and Revolution, p. 8. 23. History of the CPSU (B), p. 232. 24. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 1. (Foundations of Leninism) 25. History of the CPSU (B), p. 292. 26. same as above, p. 310. 27. Stalin, Problems ofLeninism, p. 808. (from On the Draft Constitution of the USSR) 28. Stalin, Selected Writings, Vol. 11, p. 33. (from Report to the Eighteenth Congress of the CPSU (B) ) 29. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International – Documents, Vol. III, p. 359. 30. C.C., CPI (ML) (PW), Political Resolution, May 1984, pp. 14-15. 31. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International - Documents, Vol. III, p. 347. 32. C.C., CPI (ML) (PW), Political Resolution, May 1984, p. 20. 33. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International-Documents, Vol. III, p.471. 34. Same as above, p. 477. 35. Same as above, p. 480.
36. Ho Kan-chih, History of the Modern Chinese Revolution, p. 53. 37. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, p. 339. (from Speech at the Tenth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee ) 38. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422. (from On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship) 39. Rao MB Ed., Documents of the History of the Communist Party of India, Vol. VII, p. 611. 40. Eighth National Congress of the CPC (Documents), p. 88. 41. same as above, pp. 119-121. 42. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 409. (from On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People ) 43. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IX, p. 282. (from Speech at the closing ceremony of the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee) 44. same as above, p. 424. (from Directives Regarding Cultural Revolution ) 45. Debray Regis, Revolution in the Revolution? p. 96. 46. same as above, p. 418. 47. same as above, p. 322. (from Talk at a meeting of the Central Cultural Revolution Group ) Part II : The Component Parts of MLM 1. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Dialectical Materialism, p. 32. ( Theses on Feuerbach, Marx) 2. same as above, pp. 163-64.( from Ludwig Feuerbach..., Engels) 3. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VI, p. 221. (from Dialectical Materialism ) 4. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 9. (from Karl Marx) 5. same as above, p. 11. 6. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Dialectical Materialism, p.122. (from Dialectics of Nature, Engels) 7. same as above, p. 58. (from Preface to Anti-Duhring ) 8. Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 19-20. 9. same as above, p. 20. 10. Guest David, Lectures on Marxist Philosophy, p. 44. 11. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Dialectical Materialism, p. 380. (from Philosophical Notebooks, Lenin) 12. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 345-46. (from On Contradictions) 13. same as above, p. 344. 14. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 384-85. (from On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People) 15. Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, p. 150. 16. History of the CPSU (B), p. 113. 17. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, p. 119. 18. Lenin, Marx Engels Marxism, p. 345. (from On the Question of Dialectics) 19. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Dialectical Materialism, p. 378. (from Philosophical Notebooks, Lenin ) 20. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, p. 122. 21. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Dialectical Materialism, p. 29. ( from Theses on Feuerbach, Marx) 22. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, pp. 126-27. 23. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 20. (Foundations of Leninism ) 24. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 308. (from On Practice) 25. Engels, Anti-Duhring, p. 323. 26. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, pp. 181-82. (from preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx ) 27. same as above, p. 682. ( from Engels letter to J. Bloch ) 28. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 333, 335-36. (from On Contradiction ) 29. Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, pp. 160-61. 30. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, p. 408. (from Reading Notes on the Soviet Text Political Economy’)
31. Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road to Communism, p.1. 32. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 18. (from Karl Marx) 33. same as above, pp. 70-71. (from The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism) 34. Engels, Anti-Duhring, pp. 334-35. 35. Marx, Capital, Vol. l, pp. 762-63. 36. Stalin, Collected Works, Vol. X, pp. 98-99. (from Interview with the First American Labour Delegation) 37. Lenin, Selected Works in Two Volumes, Vol. I, Part 2, p.525. (from Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism ) 38. same as above, pp. 523-24. 39. same as above, p. 566. 40. same as above, p. 564. 41. same as above, p. 436. 42. same as above, p. 441. 43. The Great Debate, p. 148. 44. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, p. 377. (from Reading Notes on the Soviet Text ‘Political Economy) 45. Stalin, Selected Writings, Vol. II, p. 317. (from Economic Problems of Socialism in the, USSR) 46. Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road to Communism, p. 121. 47. Stalin, Selected Writings, Vol. 11, p. 292. (from Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR) 48. same as above, p. 301. 49. Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road to Communism, p.143, 145. 50. same as above, pp. 267-68. 51. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 72. (from The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism ) 52. Engels, Anti-Duhring, p. 25. 53. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 72. 54. Engels, Anti-Duhring, p. 29. 55. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 669. (from Marx’s letter to Kugelman ) 56. Engels, Anti-Duhring, p. 38. 57. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 62. (from Communist Manifesto ) 58. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 36-37. (Foundations of Leninism) 59. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 343-44 (from On New Democracy) 60. The Great Debate, p. 9. 61. Marx-Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 6, pp. 351-52. (from Principles of Communism, Engels) 62. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 678. (from Engels letter to C. Schmidt) 63. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, p. 196. (from The Military Programme of the Proletarian Revolution, Lenin) 64. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 36-37. (Foundations of Leninism) 65. same as above, p. 29. 66. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 52. (from Manifesto of the Communist Party ) 67. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, p. 122. (from Critique of the Gotha Programme, Marx) 68. Lenin, The State and Revolution, p. 35. 69. same as above, p. 11. 70. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, pp. 508-09. (from The State) 71. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, p. 430. (from The Dictatorship, Lenin) 72. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 38-39. (Foundations of Leninism) 73. same as above, pp. 44-45. 74. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 32. (from the Preface to The 1872 German Edition of the Communist Manifesto)
75. as quoted in Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 47. 76. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p.51. (Foundations ofLeninism) 77. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 350-51. (from On New Democracy ) 78. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 417-18. (from On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship) 79. same as above, pp. 372-73. (from Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC) 80. Stalin, Selected Writings, Vol. II, pp. 296-97. (from Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR ) 81. History of the CPSU(B), p. 273. 82. same as above, p. 276. 83. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 380-81. (from Reading Notes on the Soviet Text ‘Political Economy’) 84. History of the CPSU(B), p. 292. 85. same as above, pp. 304-05. 86. same as above, p. 319 87. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 697. (Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the CPSU(B) ) 88. Stalin, Selected Writings, Vol. II, pp. 307-08. (from Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR) 89. same as above, pp. 338-40. 90. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, p. 95. (from Speeches at the second Session of the Eighth Party Congress of the CPC) 91. same as above, pp. 361-62. (from Reading Notes on the Soviet Text ‘Political Economy) 92. same as above, p. 432. (from Concerning Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR) 93. same as above, p. 416. (from Reading Notes on the Soviet Text ‘Political Economy’) 94. same as above, p. 427. (from Concerning ‘Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR) 95. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 167. (From The Present Situation and Our Tasks) 96. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 235. (from Prefaces to Socialist Upsurge in China’s Countryside) 97. same as above, p. 199. (from On the Co-operative Transformation of Agriculture) 98. same as above, p. 285. ( from On the Ten Major Relationships ) 99. same as above, p. 303. 100. same as above, p. 284. 101. same as above, p. 306. 102. same as above, p. 409. (from on The Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People ) 103. Selden Mark, Ed., The People’s Republic of China – A Documentary History of Revolutionary Change, p. 389. (from Report on the work of the CC of the CPC) 104. Thomson George, Capitalism and After, p. 117. 105. Selden Mark, Ed., The People’s Republic of China-A Documentary History of Revolutionary Change, pp. 405, 407. 106. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, p. 177. (from Speech at Cheng- Chow) 107. Selden Mark, Ed. The People’s Republic of China..., p. 479. (from Letter of Opinion, July 14,1959, by Peng Teh-huai) 108. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IX, p. 243. (note to Down with the Prince of Hell, Liberate the Little Devil) 109. The Great Debate, pp. 366-68. 110. Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, pp. 156-57. 111. same as above, pp. 155-56. 112. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IX, pp. 282, 283,286. (from Speech at the Closing Ceremony of the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee) 113. same as above, p. 285. 114. same as above, p. 421. (from Directives Regarding the Cultural Revolution) 115. same as above, pp. 418, 428.
116. CC Resolution, Fight against the Modern Revisionist Deng Clique, p. 12. 117. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, pp. 38-40. (from Karl Marx ) 118. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 79-80. (Foundations ofLeninism) 119. same as above, pp. 82, 84. 120. Stalin, On the Opposition, p. 735. (From Notes on Contemporary Themes) 121. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 295. (from Introducing The Communist) 122. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 13. (from Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society ) 123. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Historical Materialism, pp. 112-13. (from Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League, Marx and Engels) 124. Lenin, Marx rx-Engels-Marxism, p. 41. ( from Karl Marx ) 125. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, pp. 239-41. (from Preface to the Peasant War in Germany, Engels ) 126. Stalin, Problems ofLeninism, p. 54. (Foundations ofLeninism ) 127. same as above, pp. 55-56. 128. Lenin, Selected Works in Two Volumes, Vol. I, Part 2, p. 13. (from Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution ) 129. Quoted in Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, p. 40. 130. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 237, 239. (from The Party’s Three Fundamental Slogans on the Peasant Question) 131. Lenin, On the National and Colonial Questions, p. 27. 132. Degras Jane, The Communist International- Documents, Vol. 1, p. 390. 133. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 19. (from Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society) 134. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 288-89. (from Introducing The Communist) 136. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 325, 327-29. (from Some Experiences in Our Party History ) 136. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, pp. 185-87. (from Guerrilla Warfare) 137. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 63. (from Communist Manifesto) 138. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 445. (from Prophetic Words) 139. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 171. (from Concerning Questions of Leninism ) 140. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 225. (from Problems of War and Strategy) 141. The Great Debate, pp. 304-05. 142. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International-Documents, Vol. I, pp. 151,153-54. 143. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 26, p. 52, quoted in Lenin-Stalin-Mao, On Strategy and Tactics of the Proletarian Movement, p. 108. 144. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 219-21. (from Problems of War and Strategy). 145. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 440. (from Advice of an On looker). 146. same as above, p. 432 (from Marxism and Insurrection). 147. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 199-200 (from Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War). 148. Lenin-Stalin-Mao, On Strategy and Tactics of the Proletarian Movement, pp. 230-32. 149. Lenin, On Just and Unjust Wars, p. 25. (from The Collapse of the Second International) 150. same as above, p. 84. (from War and Revolution ) 151. Lenin, Socialism and War, pp. 10-11. 152. Lenin, On Just and Unjust Wars, p. 52. (from letter to Zinoviev) 153. Lenin, Socialism and War, pp. 25-26. 154. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International-Documents, Vol. III, pp. 377-78. 155. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 100. (from talks with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong) 156. The Great Debate, p. 173. 157. same as above, pp. 198-99. 158. same as above, p. 191. 159. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 46. (from The Communist Manifesto ) 160. Quoted in Conforth Maurice, Readers Guide to the Marxist Classics, p. 68.
161. Quoted in Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, Vol. I, p. 42-43. 162. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 97-99. (Foundations of Leninism) 163. same as above, pp. 99-111. 164. Lenin, On the Proletarian Party of a New Type, pp. 35-36. (from What is to be Done) 165. Quoted in Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, p. 94. 166. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International – Documents, Vol. 1, 171. 167. Janshakti booklet, pp. 57-59. 168. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 317-22. (from Talk at an Enlarged Working Conference Convened by the CC of the CPC) 169. History of the CPSU (B), pp. 362-63. 170. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 119-20. (from Some Questions concerning Methods of Leadership ) 171. Lenin-Stalin-Mao, On Strategy and Tactics of the Proletarian Movement, p. 234. 172. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 109-10. (Foundations of Leninism) 173. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 344-45. (from On Contradiction) 174. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 112-13. (Foundations of Leninism) 175. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 332-33. (from Talk at an Enlarged Working Conference convened by the CC of the CPC) 176. Mao, Selected Works, Vol. IX, p. 301. (from Talk at the Report Meeting) 177. same as above, p. 303. 178. Lenin, The Right of Nations to Self-Determination, pp. 8-9. 179. Quoted in Conforth Maurice, Readers Guide to Marxist Classics, p. 137, 233 p. 180. Stalin, The National Question and Leninism, p. 5. 181. Stalin, Marxism and the National Question, p. 18. 182. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 63. (from Foundations o f Leninism ) 183. Lenin, On the National and Colonial Questions, Three Articles, pp. 11-13. 184. Lenin, Critical Remarks on the National Question, p. 16. 185. Lenin, On the National and Colonial Questions, Three Articles, p. 6. 186. As quoted in Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, p. 59. 187. People’s War, No. 5, June 1982, pp. 35-36. 188. Mao, Peoples of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors and all their running-dogs, May 20, 1970. Quoted in Thomson George, From Marx to Mao Tse-tung, p. 62.
အခန္း (၁၅)
အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာ
အေစာပိုင္းအမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွာမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ နားလည္မႈ
အေစာဆုံး အမ်ိဳးသား လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားသည္ အေနာက္ဥေရာပတြင္ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့သည္။ ဓနရွင္မ်ားသည္ မတည္ၿငိမ္ေသာ ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္ဘုရင္မ်ားကိုတိုက္ခိုက္သည့္တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံတည္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ လြပ္လပ္ေသာ ေခတ္သစ္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို တည္ေထာင္ၾကသည္။ တႏိုင္ငံတည္းျဖစ္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဆိုသည္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံတခုစီတြင္ ဘုံဘာသာစကားတခုကိုေျပာဆိုသည့္ သူမ်ား ေနထိုင္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကိုဆိုလိုသည္။ ထိုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ ရုပ္ပိုင္းအေျခခံမ်ားကို လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။
“Throughout the world, the period of the final victory of capitalism over feudalism has been linked up with national movements. For the complete victory of commodity production, the bourgeoisie must capture the home market, and there must be politically united territories whose population speaks a single language, with all obstacles to the development of that language and to its consolidation in literature eliminated. Therein is the economic foundation of national movements. Language is the most important means of human intercourse. Unity and unimpeded development of language are the most important conditions for genuinely free and extensive commerce on a scale commensurate with modern capitalism, for a free and broad grouping of the population in all its various classes and, lastly, far the establishment of a close connection between the market and each and every proprietor, big or little, and between seller and buyer.
တကမၻာလုံးတြင္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္က ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္ကို ေနာက္ဆုံးေအာင္ပြဲခံလိုက္ေသာေခတ္သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ေနသည္။ ကုန္စည္ထုတ္လုပ္မႈတိုက္ပြဲကို အျပည့္အ၀ေအာင္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ ဓနရွင္မ်ားသည္ ျပည္တြင္းေဈးကြက္ကို သိမ္းယူရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး တခုတည္းေသာ ဘုံဘာသာစကားတခုေပၚေပါက္ေရးႏွင့္ စာေပတြင္ ထိုဘာသာစကားက်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းလာေရးအတြက္ အတားအဆီးမ်ားကို ဖယ္ရွားရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘာသာစကားတခုတည္းေျပာေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ညီညြတ္သည့္ ပိုင္နက္မ်ား ရွိရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုအခ်က္သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ စီးပြားေရးအေျခခံျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာစကားသည္ လူသားတို႔၏ ဆက္ဆံေရး၏ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံးေသာ နည္းလမ္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာစကား၏ ညီညြတ္မႈႏွင့္ အတားအဆီးမရွိေသာ တိုးတက္မႈသည္ ေခတ္သစ္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီေသာ အတိုင္းအတာရွိသည့္ စစ္မွန္ေသာလြတ္လပ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔သည့္ ကူးသန္းေရာင္း၀ယ္မႈအတြက္၊ လူတန္းစားအသီသီးတြင္ လူမ်ား လြတ္လပ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔စြာ အုပ္စုဖြဲ႕ေရးအတြက္ႏွင့္ ေနာက္ဆုံးတြင္ ေဈးကြက္ႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းပိုင္ဆိုင္သူႀကီးငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေရာင္းသူႏွင့္ ၀ယ္သူမ်ားအၾကားနီးကပ္ေသာဆက္ဆံေရးထူေထာင္ေရးအတြက္ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံး အေျခအေနျဖစ္သည္။
“Therefore, the tendency of every national movement is towards the formation of national states, under which these conditions of modern capitalism are best satisfied.”178
"ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈတိုင္း၏ သေဘာသဘာ၀မွာ ေခတ္သစ္အရင္းရွင္စနစ္၏ ထိုအေျခအေနမ်ားကို အေကာင္းဆုံးျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးသည့္ အမ်ိဳးသားႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မ်ားတည္ေထာင္ေရးျဖစ္သည္။" ၁၇၈
In the whole of Western Europe, only on the British Isles, was there a national minority large enough to give rise to a struggle for independence. The English failed to consolidate their conquest of Ireland, and during the eighteenth century there arose an Irish national movement. Marx and Engels lived in this period, when the national movements of East Europe were yet to emerge, and the upsurge of struggles against imperialism were yet to become a reality. They thus did not devote much attention-to developing Marxist theory on the national question. Marx however formulated the basic stand in relation to the Irish Question by calling on the English proletariat to support the national struggle of the Irish people and oppose its national oppression. Marx and Engels took the position that, the liberation of Ireland was a condition for the victory of the English working class. A resolution of the First International drafted by Marx said “A people which enslaves others forges its own chains”179
ၿဗိတိသွ် ကၽြန္းစုမွ လြဲၿပီး အေနာက္ဥေရာပတခုလုံးတြင္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲေပၚေအက္ေစလေလာက္ေအာင္ႀကီးမားသည့္ အမ်ိဳးသား လူနည္းစုတခုရွိသည္။ အဂၤလိပ္တို႕သည္ ၄င္းတို႔၏ အိုင္ယာလန္ကို ေအာင္ပြဲကို က်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ျခင္းမရွိဘဲ ၁၈ရာစု အတြင္းတြင္ အိုင္းရစ္အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ေပၚေပါက္လာသည္။ မာ့က္စ္ႏွ္င့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕သည္ ထိုေခတ္တြင္ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုစဥ္က အေရွ႕ဥေရာပတြင္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ေပၚေပါက္ျခင္းမရွိေသးဘဲ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးအုံၾကြမႈမ်ားသည္လည္း လက္ေတြ႕ျဖစ္လာျခင္းမရွိေသးေပ။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ၄င္းတို႕သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ျပႆနာႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မာ့က္စ္၀ါဒ သေဘာတရားထူေထာင္ေရးကို အာရုံစိုက္ျခင္းမရွိၾကေပ။ သို႕ေသာ္ မာ့က္စ္သည္ အဂၤလိပ္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစားအေနျဖင့္ အိုင္းရစ္အမ်ိဳးသားေရး လႈပ္ရွာမႈကို ေထာက္ခံရန္ႏွင့္၄င္းတို႕အေပၚအမ်ိဳးသားဖိႏွစ္မႈကိုဆန္႔က်င္ရန္ေတာင္းဆိုျခင္းျဖင့္ အေျခခံရပ္တည္ခ်ကို ခ်မွတ္ေပးခဲ့သည္။ အိုင္ယာလန္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးသည္ အဂၤလိပ္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစားေအာင္ပြဲအတြက္ အေျခအေနတခုျဖစ္သည္ဟု မာ့က္စ္ႏွင့္ အိန္ဂ်ယ္တို႕က သေဘာထားသည္။ မာ့က္စ္က မူႀကမ္းေရးသားသည့္ ပထမ အင္တာေနရွင္နယ္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္တြင္ "အျခားလူမ်ိဳးတမ်ိဳးကို ကၽြန္ျပဳေသာလူမ်ားတမ်ိဳးသည္ မိမိေႏွာင္ႀကိဳးမ်ားကို မိမိဘာသာျပဳလုပ္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္" ေရးသားထားသည္။၁၇၉
အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ ႐ွားမႈ၏ ေနာက္ ထပ္ လိႈင္ းတခုသည္ အရင္ း႐ွင္ စနစ္ ပ့်ံႏွံ႔ျခင္ းႏွင္ ့ ဩစထ႐ိုဟန္ ေဂးရီးယန္ းနဲ႔ ႐ု႐ွား အင္ ပါယာမ်ား အားနည္ းလာျခင္ းႏွင္ ့အတူ အ ေ႐ွ႕ဥ ေရာပတြင္ ေပၚ ေပါက္ လာသည္ ။ အမ်ိဳးသား ေရးျပႆနာႏွင္ ့ပတ္ သက္ သည္ ့ စနစ္ က် ေသာ မာ့က္ စ္ ဝါဒ ႐ွင္ းလင္ းတင္ ျပခ်က္ ကို ၁၉၁၃ ခုႏွစ္ တြင္ စတာလင္ ပထမဆုံး႐ွင္ းျပသည္ မွာ ထိုကာလအတြင္ းတြင္ ျဖစ္ သည္ ။ ႏိုင္ ငံဆိုသည္ မွာ အရည္ အ ေသြး ေလးခုက္ို စု ေပါင္ းပိုင္ ဆိုင္ မႈကို အ ေျချပဳသည္ သမိုင္ းအရ ျဖစ္ ေပၚတိုးတက္ ေန ေသာ တည္ၿငိမ္ သည္ ့ လူ႔အသိုင္ းအဝန္ းဟု စတာလင္ ဖြင္ ့ဆိုသည္ ။ ထိုအရည္ အ ေသြး ေလးခုမွာ ဘုံဘာသာစကား၊ ဘုံပိုင္ နက္ ၊ ဘုံစီးပြား ေရးဘဝ ႏွင္ အမ်ိဳးသားယဥ္ ေက်းမႈ တိက် ေသာ ဘုံသြင္ ျပင္ လကၡဏာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖၚျပသည္ ့ စိတ္ ဓာတ္ ေရးရာဘုံ ဖြဲ႔စည္ းတည္ ေဆာက္ မႈ တို႔ျဖစ္ သည္ ။၈၀ ထို႔အျပင္ ႏိုင္ ငံဆိုသည္ မွာ သမိုင္ းဆိုင္ရာ ခြဲျခားသတ္ မွတ္ မႈသာမက တိက် ေသာ သိမိုင္ း ေခတ္ တ ေခတ္ ျဖစ္ သည္ ့ အရင္ း႐ွင္ စနစ္ ေခါင္ း ေထာင္ ထလာ ေသာ ေခတ္ ႏွင္ ့ သက္ ဆိုင္ သည္ ့ သမိုင္ းဆိုင္ ရာ ခြဲျခားသတ္ မွတ္ မႈျဖစ္ ေၾကာင္ းလည္ း သူျမင္ သည္ ။၁၈၁ စတာလင္ သည္ သူ၏ ခြဲျခမ္ းစတ္ ျဖာမႈကို ထိုစဥ္ က အရင္ း႐ွင္ ဆက္ ဆံ ေရး တိုးတက္ မႈႏွင္ ့ ၾကံဳ ေတြ႔ ေနရ ေသာ အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ ႏိုင္ငံစုံ ႏို္င္ငံေတာ္မ်ားအား ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ျဖာျခင္းကို အာရုံစိုက္သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ထိုစဥ္က မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒသည္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ စနစ္အေပၚ အျပည့္အစုံ သရုပ္ခြဲျခင္း မျပဳလုပ္ရေသးေသာေၾကာင့္ သူ၏ သရုပ္ခြဲေလ့လာမႈသည္ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာကို လုံေလာက္စြာ ရွင္းလင္းတင္ျပႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေပ။ စတာလင္၏ ဖြင့္ဆိုခ်က္အရ ကိုလိုနီမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမဟုတ္ေပ။ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသည္ ရ၎တို႔၏ မွီခိုေနရေသာ စီးပြားေရး အဆင့္ေၾကာင့္ တေပါင္းတစည္းတည္းျဖစ္ေသာ စီးပြားေရးမ်ားကို ပိုင္ဆိုင္ျခင္း မရွိၾကေပ။ အလားတူေသာကိစၥမွာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ဝါဒ ေခါင္းေထာင္ထ လာျခင္းဟူေသာ အယူအဆႏွင့္ ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ အေနအထားႏွင့္လည္း သက္ဆိုင္ေနသည္။
Leninist Linking of the National and Colonial Question
The development of a theory which does apply to colonies and semi-colonies was begun by Lenin only two years after the publication of Stalin’s article. It was with the development of the theory of imperialism that this came about. Thus, in the words of Stalin:
အမ်ိဳးသားေရးႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီျပႆနာႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ လီနင္၏ အခ်ိတ္အဆက္
ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ သေဘာတရား ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈကို စတာလင္၏ ေဆာင္းပါးထြက္ၿပီး ႏွစ္ႏွစ္အၾကာတြင္ လီနင္က စတင္ေရးသားခဲ့သည္။ ၎မွာႀကံဳေတြ႕ရေတာ့မည့္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စန
“Leninism laid bare this crying incongruity, broke down the wall between whites and blacks, between Europeans and Asians, between the ‘civilized’ and ‘uncivilized’ slaves of imperialism, and thus linked the national question with the question of the colonies. The national question was thereby transformed from a particular and internal state problem into a general and international problem, into a world problem of the liberation of the oppressed peoples in the dependent countries and colonies from the yoke of imperialism.”182
“လီနင္ဝါဒသည္ ထိုဆိုးရြာလွေသာ မဆီေလွ်ာ္မႈကို ဖြင့္ခ်သည္၊ လူျဖဴႏွင့္ လူမည္းမ်ားအၾကား၊ ဥေရာပသားမ်ားႏွင့္ အာရွသားမ်ားအၾကား၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္၏ ယဥ္ေက်းေသာ ေက်းကၽြန္မ်ားႏွင့္မယဥ္ေက်းေသာ ေက်းကၽြန္မ်ားအၾကားရွိ တံတိုင္းကို ၿဖိဳခ်လိုက္ေသာေၾကာင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီျပႆနာကို ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ေပးလိုက္သည္။ ထိုမွစတင္ၿပီး အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပႆနာကို သီးျခားျဖစ္ေသာ ျပည္တြင္းျပႆနာအျဖစ္မွ အေထြေထြ ႏိုင္ငံတကာျပႆနာ၊ မလြတ္လပ္ေသာႏို္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံျပည္သူမ်ားကို နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္၏ ထမ္းပိုးေအာက္မွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေစေရး ကမ႓ာ႔ျပႆနာအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲျပစ္လိုက္သည္။”၁၈၂
Lenin explained the situation regarding the self-determination of nations and the tasks of the proletariat in the face of different situations in different countries. He divided the countries of the world into “three main types:
ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ အမ်ိဳးေမ်ိဳးေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ားတြင္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ အေျခအေနကို လီနင္က ရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။ သူသည္ ကမ႓ာ့ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို ပုံစံ ၃ မ်ိဳးခြဲျခားခဲ့ သည္။
“First, the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe and the United States of America. In these countries the bourgeois, progressive, national movements came to an end long ago. Every one of these ‘great’ nations oppresses other nations in the colonies and within its own country. The tasks of the proletariat of these ruling nations are the same as those of the proletariat in England in the nineteenth century in relation to Ireland.
ပထမအုပ္စုတြင္ အေနာက္ဥေရာပမွတိုးတက္ေသာ အရင္းရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတို႔ ပါဝင္သည္။ဤ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ဓနရွင္ တိုးတက္ေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ၿပီးဆုံးခဲ့သည္မွာ အတန္ၾကာၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ ဤႏိုင္ငံႀကီးမ်ားအနက္ တခုစီသည္ ကိုလိုနီအျခားႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ၎တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအတြင္းတြင္လည္း ဖိႏွိပ္ၾကသည္။ ထိုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့လူတန္းစား၏ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္မ်ားမွာ ၁၉ ရာစုက အဂၤလန္ႏိုင္ငံမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား၏ အိုင္ယာလန္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ လုပ္ငန္းတာဝန္အတိုင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။
“Secondly, Eastern Europe: Austria, the Balkans and particularly Russia. Here it was the twentieth century that particularly developed the bourgeois-democratic national movements and intensified the national struggle. The tasks of the proletariat in these countries – in regard to the consummation of their bourgeois-democratic reformation, as well as in regard to assisting the socialist revolution in other countries cannot be achieved unless it champions the right of nations to self-determination. In this connection the most difficult but most important task is to merge the class struggle of the workers in the oppressing nations with the class struggle of the workers in the oppressed nations.
ဒုတိယ အုပ္စုတြင္ အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ၊ ၾသစတီးယား၊ ေဘာ္လကန္ႏွင့္ အထူးသျဖင့္ ရုရွားတို႔ ပါဝင္သည္။ ဤေနရာမ်ားတြင္ ၂၀ ရာစုအတြင္း ဓနရွင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားအထူးသျဖ
“Thirdly, the semi-colonial countries, like China, Persia, Turkey, and all the colonies, which have a combined population amounting to a billion. In these countries the bourgeois-democratic movements have either hardly begun, or are far from having been completed. Socialists must not only demand the unconditional and immediate liberation of the colonies without compensation - and this demand in its political expression signifies nothing more nor less than the recognition of the right to self-determination – but must render determined support to the more revolutionary elements in the bourgeois-democratic movements for national liberation in these countries and assist their rebellion-and if need be, their revolutionary war against the imperialist powers that oppress them.”183
တတိယအုပ္စုတြင္ တရုတ္၊ပါရွား၊တူရကီတို႔ကဲ့ေသာ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္
This thesis thus summarised the stand of the revolutionaries as unequivocal advocation to the right of self-determination and total support to the struggle for national liberation. To the criticism that the proletariat is internationalist and favours the merger of nations, Lenin explained the material basis and the proletariat’s standpoint.
ဤအယူအဆအရ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားမ်ား၏ ရပ္တည္မႈသည္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ကို ျပတ္သားစြာေထာက္ခံျခင္းႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲ
Thus Lenin pointed out, “Developing capitalism knows two historical tendencies in the national question. The first is the awakening of national life and national movements, the struggle against all national oppression, and the creation of national states. The second is the development and growing frequency of international intercourse in every form, the break-down of national barriers, the creation of the international unity of capital, of economic life in general, of politics, science, etc.
တိုးတက္ေနေသာ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္သည္ အမ်ိဳးေရးျပႆနာ၏ သမိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ သေဘာသဘာဝႏွစ္ခုကိုသိသည္။ ပထမ သေဘာသဘာဝမွာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဘဝႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ႏိုးၾကားလာျခင္း၊ အားလုံးေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေသာတိုက္ပြဲႏွင့္အမ်ိဳး
“Both tendencies are a universal law of capitalism. The former predominates in the beginning of its development, the latter characterises a mature capitalism that is moving towards its transformation into socialist society. The Marxists’ national programme takes both tendencies into
account, and advocates firstly, the equality of nations and languages and the impermissibility of all privileges in this respect (and also the right of nations to self-determination,...); secondly, the principle of internationalism and uncompromising struggle against contamination of the proletariat with bourgeois nationalism, even of the most refined kind.”184
ထိုသေဘာသဘာဝ ႏွစ္ခုလုံးသည္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္၏ အကၽြင္းမဲ့ေသာ ဥပေဒသမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ ပထမ သေဘာသဘာဝသည္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးစအခ်ိန္တြင္ လႊမ္းမိုးၿပီး ဒုတိယ သေဘာသဘာဝသည္ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းသို႔ အသြင္းကူးေျပာင္းျခင္းဆီသို႔ ခ်ီတက္ေနသည့္ ရင့္က်က္ေသာ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ လကၡဏာ ေဆာင္သည္။ မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး အစီအစဥ္သည္ ထိုသေဘာသဘာဝႏွစ္ခုလုံးကို ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားၿပီး ပထမဦးစြာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၊ ဘာသာစကားမ်ား တန္းတူညီမွ်ေရး၊ ထိုအခ်က္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မည္သည့္ အခြင့္ထူးခံကိုမွ် ခြင့္မျပဳႏိုင္ျခင္း( ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ ) ေထာက္ခံသည္။ ဒုတိယအေနျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာဝါဒ သေဘာတရားႏွင့္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ားကို ဓနရွင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဝါဒ၊ အသန္႔စင္ဆုံးပုံစံႏွင့္ပင္ ေရာေႏွာညစ္ေထးေစျခင္းကို မေစ့စပ္စတမ္းတိုက္ပြဲဝင္ျခင္းကို
Thus, Lenin says, “The aim of socialism is not only to abolish the present division of mankind into small states and all national isolation; not only to bring the nations closer to each other, but also to merge them.”185 This merger of nations cannot however be achieved by the forced merger of nations; it can only be achieved by them achieving full freedom and merging in a voluntary union. Thus, “Just as mankind can achieve the abolition of classes only by passing through the transition period of the dictatorship of the oppressed class, so mankind can achieve the inevitable merging of nations only by passing through the transition period of complete liberation of all the oppressed nations, i.e., their freedom to secede.”185
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္လီနင္က ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းေျပာသည္။ “ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စနစ္သည္ လူသားမ်ားကို လက္ရွိႏိုင္ငံငယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ သီးျခား အထီးက်န္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအျဖစ္ လက္ရွိခြဲျခားမႈကိုသာမက၊ တႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္တႏိုင္ငံပိုမိုနီး
This applied all the more to the proletarian state. That is why when Lenin presented the Revision of the Party Programme in October 1917, he insisted, “We want free unification; that is why we must recognise the right to secede. Without freedom to secede, unification cannot be called free.”
ထိုအခ်က္သည္ ပစၥည္းမဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ႏွင့္ ပိုမိုသက္ဆိုင္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ လီနင္သည္ ၁၉၁၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေအာက္တိုဘာတြင္ ပါတီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ကို တင္သြင္းခဲ့ၿပီး “ မိမိတို႔သည္ လြတ္လပ္စြာေပါင္းစည္းျခင္းကိုလိုလားသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမည္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာခြဲထြက္ခြင့္မရွိလွ်င္
National Liberation Struggle
On the basis of the Leninist understanding of the National Question, it is clear that in the colonies and semi-colonies, it is imperialism that generates nationalism. “In colonial and semi- colonial nations there is no epoch of rising capitalism, i.e., no epoch dominated by a rising domestic bourgeoisie. Domination is exercised by foreign monopolists and the big bourgeoisie which is depending upon it, i.e., the bourgeoisie, is comprador in nature.
အမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲ
အမ်ိဳးသားျပႆနာႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ လီနင္၏ နားလည္မႈကို အေျခခံၿပီး ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ဝါဒကို ေဖၚထုတ္ေပးသည္မွာ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွားလာသည္။ “ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အရင္းရွင္စနစ္ေခါင္းေထာင္ထလာေသာေခတ္မရွိ၊ ျပည္တြင္းဓနရွင္ ေခါင္းေထာင္မႈ လႊမ္းမိုးေသာ ေခတ္ မရွိေပ။ လႊမ္းမိုးမႈကို ျပည္ပ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ လက္ေဝခံ ဓနရွင္သေဘာသဘာဝရွိေသာ ျပည္ပ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္မ်ားကို မွီခိုေသာ ဓနရွင္ႀကီးမ်ားကသာ လႊမ္းမိုးသည္။
“Under these circumstances, the nation is not the outcome of a struggle waged primarily by a rising bourgeoisie against the fetters of feudalism. It is the outcome mainly of an anti-imperialist struggle waged by all the oppressed classes, primarily of the toiling masses. In order to achieve victory in this struggle, the establishment of the hegemony of the working class is a historical necessity.
“ ထိုသို႔ေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ားေအာက္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံသည္ အေျခခံအားျဖင့္ ေခါင္းေထာင္လာေသာ ဓနရွင္က ေျမရွင္ဗေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္၏ ေနွာင္ႀကိဳးမ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲမွထြက္ေပၚလာသည့္ ရလဒ္မဟုတ္ေပ။ ၎သည္အဓိကအားျဖင့္ အလုပ္လုပ္ေသာသူမ်ားႏွင့္ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံလူတန္းစားအားလုံး ဆင္ႏြဲသည့္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး စစ္ပြဲ၏ ရလဒ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုတိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ေအာင္ပြဲရရန္ အလုပ္သမားလူတန္းစား ဗိုလ္က်စိုးမိုးမႈထူေထာင္ေရးသည္ သမိုင္းလိုအပ္ခ်က္ ျဖစ္သည္။
“Thus colonial nationalism and the national liberation struggle would lead not to a form of ‘mature capitalism’ but to socialism. Therefore, it is not a part of the old bourgeois democratic revolution, but of the new democratic revolution, the essence of which is agrarian revolution.”187
ထိုကိုလိုနီ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဝါဒႏွင့္အမ်ိဳးသားလြ
These national liberation struggles and democratic revolutions of the new type have become the main trend in the period after Lenin. Drawing attention to this trend Mao says, “A weak nation can defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country can certainly defeat oppression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, dare to take up arms, and grasp in their own hands the destiny of their country. This is a law of history.”188
ထိုအမ်ိဳးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္
Another aspect of this trend is the growing to life and the upsurge of the national liberation struggles of the nations within the multi-national states formed in the semi-colonies. “After Lenin, particularly from the second world war period, two important things have taken place in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. First is that the national movement has become a thing of the present, the second is that many of the colonial countries, instead of becoming free democracies, were changed into states wholly dependent upon the imperialists economically, financially and militarily, under the guise of politically dependent states. When we say that national movement has become a thing of the present, we mean that national formation have taken place in backward multinational colonies and semi-colonial countries. Since these colonial countries were changed into semi-colonial countries, the newly emerged nations are not only subjected to the domination of the ruling big bourgeois national chauvinists of their own countries who control their central governments. Therefore, the newly emerged oppressed nations of the multinational semi-colonial countries are suffering under double yoke. Hence, along with the task of liberating the country from imperialists the task of fighting for the right to self-determination of these oppressed nations of these countries also comes to the forefront.”187
ထိုအယူအဆ၏ အျခားေသာ သြင္ျပင္လကၡဏာတခုမွာ ကိုလုိနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းထားသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံစုံပါေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မ်ားအတြင္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲမ်ား သက္ဝင္အုံၾကြလာျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။” လီနင္၏ေနာက္ပိုင္း၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒုတိယကမ႓ာစစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ကိုလိုနီႏွင့္ ကိုလိုနီတပိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အေရးပါေသာ အရာ ၂ ခု ျဖစ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ သည္။ပထမတခုမွာ လက္ရွိႀကံဳေတြ႕ေနရေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒုတိယတခုမွာ ကိုလိုနီႏိုင္ငံအမ်ားအျပားသည္ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီမ်ား ျဖစ္လာရမည့္အစား ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ လြတ္လပ္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားဟန္ေဆာင္ၿပီး နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စနစ္ကို စီးပြားေရးအရ၊ ဘာ႑ာေရးအရ၊ စစ္ေရးအရ လုံးလုံးလွ်ားလွ်ားမွီခိုသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားျဖစ္လာျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္သ
How the proletariat in these countries and nations grasps the national question, according to Marxist principles, and how it implements this understanding, is of crucial importance to the success of revolution not only in these countries but also to the progress of world socialist revolution.
ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ပစၥည္းမဲ့မ်ား အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ျပႆနာကို မာ့က္စ္ဝါဒအရ မည္သို႔နားလည္သည္၊ ထိုနားလည္မႈကို မည္သို႔ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚသည္မွာ ထိုႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေအာင္ျမင္ေရးအတြက္ သာမက ကမ႓ာ့ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုးတက္မႈ အတြက္လည္း လြန္စြာအေရးပါသည္။
CONCLUSION
MLM is Not a Dogma but a Guide to Action “The Marxist-Leninist theory must not be regarded as a collection of dogmas, as a catechism, as a symbol of faith, and the Marxists themselves as pedants and dogmatists. “Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory does not at all mean learning all its formulas and conclusions by heart and clinging to their every letter. To master the Marxist-Leninist theory we must first of all learn to distinguish between its letter and substance. “Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means assimilating the substance of this theory and learning to use it in the solution of the practical problems of the revolutionary movement under the varying conditions of the class struggle of the proletariat. “Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means being able to enrich this theory with the new experience of the revolutionary movement, with new propositions and conclusions, it means being able to develop it and advance it without hesitating to replace – in accordance with the substance of the theory – such of its propositions and conclusions as have become antiquated by new ones corresponding to the new historical situation. “The Marxist-Leninist theory is not a dogma but a guide to action.”
နိဂုံး
မာ့က္စ္- လီနင္-ေမာ္ဝါဒသည္ တရားေသမဟုတ္၊လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား
REFERENCES Part I : History of the Development of MLM 1. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, p. 15. (cited by G. Obichkin, Soviet Literature, 4, p. 131, Moscow, 1953; also similar formulation in History of CPSU (B), p. 355.) 2. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 3. (from Foundations of Leninism) 3. Lenin, Three Sources and Three Components of Marxism 4. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 182. (Marx, Preface to The Crtique of Political Economy) 5. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 585. (from the Foreword to Ludwig Feuerbach...by Engels) 6. same as above. 7. Marx-Engels-Lenin, On Historical Materialism, p. 13. (from Theses on Feuerbach by Marx) 8. Marx, Wages, Price and Profit, p. 78. 9. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 77. (The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx) 10. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, pp. 137-38. 11. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, pp. 77-78. 12. Marx-Engels, Selected Correspondence, p. 337. 13. Marx-Engels, Selected Works, p. 429. (from Speech at the Graveside of Karl Marx ) 14. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, pp. 191-92. 15. Lenin, Marx-Engels-Marxism, p. 78. 16. same as above, p. 79. 17. History of the CPSU(B), p. 95. 17a. The Three People’s Principles were the principles and the programme put forward by Sun Yat- sen on the question of nationalism, democracy and people’s livelihood in China’s bourgeois- democratic revolution. In 1924 Sun restated the three principles: Nationalism as opposed to imperialism and pro-peasants and workers’ movement; alliance with Russia and cooperation with communist party. 18. Foster William Z., History of the Three Internationals, p. 223. 19. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, p. 9. 20. Lenin., On Just and Unjust Wars, p. 15. (from Tasks of Revolutionary Social-Democracy in the European War) 21. Lenin, Selected Works in two Volumes, Vol. I, Part 2, p.44 441. (from Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism) 22. Lenin, The State and Revolution, p. 8. 23. History of the CPSU (B), p. 232. 24. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, p. 1. (Foundations of Leninism) 25. History of the CPSU (B), p. 292. 26. same as above, p. 310. 27. Stalin, Problems ofLeninism, p. 808. (from On the Draft Constitution of the USSR) 28. Stalin, Selected Writings, Vol. 11, p. 33. (from Report to the Eighteenth Congress of the CPSU (B) ) 29. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International – Documents, Vol. III, p. 359. 30. C.C., CPI (ML) (PW), Political Resolution, May 1984, pp. 14-15. 31. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International - Documents, Vol. III, p. 347. 32. C.C., CPI (ML) (PW), Political Resolution, May 1984, p. 20. 33. Degras Jane, Ed., The Communist International-Documents, Vol. III, p.471. 34. Same as above, p. 477. 35. Same as above, p. 480.
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